By WDM / WAPMEN Commentary & Critical Analysis

Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Obsession With the Constitution: A Dangerous Power Fixation
One must ask: Why is President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud so obsessively, almost feverishly, determined to amend the Provisional Federal Constitution unilaterally—without consensus, consultation, or even basic political courtesy?
Why is a national charter—a fragile peace document painstakingly built to end civil war—being treated by Villa Somalia as if it were the private property of a single faction?
The answer lies not in the present crisis alone, but in the deep psychological and political lineage that President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud carries, a lineage many younger Somalis and politically amnesiac elites no longer recognize.
The Aideed Doctrine: The Hidden Template Behind Hassan Sheikh’s Agenda
Those unfamiliar with Somalia’s political archaeology have forgotten a crucial detail:
Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is a student—directly shaped and ideologically influenced—by the worldview of General Mohamed Farah Aideed, the man whose militia rule devastated Mogadishu and triggered the darkest chapters of the Somali Civil War.
Aideed’s philosophy was simple:
“Whoever wins the war writes the constitution.”
Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has internalized that doctrine.
To him, the Provisional Federal Constitution of 2012 is an aberration—a document he privately believes was written by the victims (Darood) of the Somali Civil War, not by the victors.
This is not imagination. It is a worldview consistently reflected in:
His reckless unilateral amendments
His contempt for federalism
His aggressive state-capture campaign
His political war on Puntland and Jubaland
His attempt to shrink Federal Member States into Villa Somalia sub-districts
Hassan Sheikh believes—wrongly and dangerously—that those who were chased out of Mogadishu in 1991 had no moral right to co-author the national framework of today.
This is the root of his constitutional war.
The President Who Wants to Reverse the Peace Contract
What Hassan Sheikh Mohamud ignores—or chooses deliberately to erase—is that the Provisional Federal Constitution is the only consensus Somali document since the collapse of the state.
It emerged from:
Nationwide reconciliation
Years of consultative processes
Clan-balanced negotiations
Painful compromises
International mediation
Exhaustive political bargaining
This Constitution was not written by a clan, nor for a clan.
It was written to end a civil war, not restart one.
Yet Hassan Sheikh is now treating it as a tribal battlefield listing, attempting to reverse what he sees as a “historical injustice”—that federalism diluted Hawiye monopoly over Mogadishu’s political authority.
His message is blunt:
“If we didn’t write it in 1991, we will rewrite it in 2026.”
This is political madness disguised as constitutional reform.
A President Who Fears Consensus
Consensus terrifies Hassan Sheikh Mohamud because consensus limits power.
Consensus prevents him from dissolving the federal system
Consensus blocks him from imposing a Mogadishu-centric unitary state
Consensus denies him the ability to manufacture a permanent presidency through legal gymnastics
Consensus safeguards Puntland, Jubaland, and other Federal Member States
Consensus protects the balance struck after decades of bloodshed
Therefore, he avoids it with religious zeal.
In his worldview, consultation is a concession, and concession is defeat.
A Man at War With the Future
Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is not amending a constitution.
He is waging a political and psychological war against Somalia’s post-civil-war settlement.
He is trying to resurrect a failed 1990s hegemonic fantasy:
A fantasy where one group dictates the structure of the state
A fantasy where Mogadishu redistributes power at will
A fantasy where victors write and victims obey
But Somalia has moved on.
Federalism exists because Somalis refused to return to dictatorship, unitary domination, and political monopolization. The country cannot be glued back into a centralized autocracy simply because Hassan Sheikh Mohamud believes history cheated his faction.
The Price of Constitutional Sabotage
If Hassan Sheikh continues on this trajectory, he will:
Trigger political fragmentation
Accelerate the collapse of the federation
Invite foreign intervention
Strengthen secessionist forces
Push Federal Member States toward parallel governments
Risk the return of armed conflict
All because he wants to rewrite a document agreed upon by all Somalis—to satisfy an ideological ghost from 1991.
This is not leadership.
This is a personalized war against the very foundation of the Somali state.
Conclusion: Somalia Will Resist
Somalia is larger than any one man, any one faction, or any one historical grievance.
The Constitution must remain a Somali consensus document, not a Mogadishu revisionist project.
If Hassan Sheikh Mohamud insists on forcing unilateral amendments, he will only succeed in writing his own political obituary—not Somalia’s future.

WDM / WAPMEN — Commentary & Critical Analysis
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There are red lines in every fragile state.
One of them is civil aviation.
When a government begins to manipulate airports, flights, and passenger movements for narrow political ends, it is no longer governing — it is weaponising sovereignty.
Today, members of the Federal Parliament  scheduled to travel to Garowe were reportedly unable to complete their journey. The allegation is that the Somali Civil Aviation Authority, under pressure from Villa Somalia, engaged in irregular or politically motivated interference. This is not just bureaucratic incompetence. It is institutional sabotage.
Let us be clear.
Civil aviation is not a political toy. It is not a campaign tool. It is not an extension of presidential ego.
It is a national lifeline.
Aviation Is National Infrastructure — Not a Presidential Department
Somalia’s aviation system, centred around Aden Adde International Airport and connecting hubs like Garowe Airport, is one of the few functioning arteries linking federal member states, business communities, humanitarian actors, and citizens.

Interfering with scheduled travel for political calculations sends a dangerous message:
That federalism is conditional.
That mobility is subject to loyalty.
That institutions answer to personalities, not the law.
This is reckless governance.
And it exposes a deeper disease — the personalization of the state.
From Statecraft to Airspace Control Politics
If Villa Somalia is indeed directing aviation decisions to inconvenience political actors or regional leadership, then this is not administration — it is coercion through airspace.
Such behavior erodes:
Public trust in regulatory institutions.
Confidence of international carriers and investors.
The fragile federal compact already under strain.
Somalia’s recovery depends on predictable institutions. Investors, diplomats, and airlines cannot operate in a system where clearances and routes depend on political mood swings.
Once aviation becomes politicised, insurance premiums rise, confidence drops, and isolation deepens.
Is that the path Somalia wants?
Irresponsibility at a Dangerous Time
Somalia stands at a constitutional crossroads. Negotiations are fragile. Mandates are expiring. ATMIS drawdown is ongoing. Al-Shabaab remains active.
And instead of building confidence, some appear to be playing control games over airports.
This is not leadership.
It is insecurity masquerading as authority.
A state confident in its legitimacy does not block travel. It competes politically. It negotiates. It persuades.
Only a fragile regime interferes with movement.
The Real Damage
Today it is Garowe-bound members.
Tomorrow it could be:
Humanitarian flights.
Business delegations.
Medical evacuations.
Diplomatic missions.
Aviation governance requires neutrality and professionalism. The moment it becomes politicised, it becomes dangerous.
Somalia cannot afford that.
A Warning to the Custodians of the Sky
The Somali Civil Aviation Authority must remember:
It serves the nation — not Villa Somalia.
Its credibility depends on independence. Its mandate depends on legality. Its legitimacy depends on equal treatment of all regions.
If aviation is misused as a political instrument, history will record it as one of the subtle but fatal errors that further fractured the Somali state.
This Is Bigger Than a Flight
This is about whether Somalia is governed by institutions or by impulses.
Whether federalism is respected or managed through pressure.
Whether mobility is a right or a privilege granted by power.
Somalia’s leaders are playing with fire.
And once the skies are politicised, the fall is long and unforgiving.

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