Category: 2nd Somali Republic

ANOTHER LOOK AT SOMALI FEDERALISM

Garowe, May 14, 2023

By ISMAIL HAJI WARSAME

ON FEDERALISM

When political opponents say that Puntland State is the mother of federalism, people of Puntland think that they are being praised and recognized for the State’s tremendous sacrifices in men, material and minds in founding the 2nd Somali Republic, the current Federal Republic of Somalia (First Somali Republic existed from 1960-1991). In fact, what protagonists are saying here is that Puntland alone came up with unpractical federal concept that was not applicable nationwide. Sadly also, the history of who had spear-headed in salvaging Somalia from total disintegration and its disappearance from the world map, following the Civil War, had been hidden and buried in the same way that the history of self-government, sultanates and kingdoms that existed in Puntland regions long before European colonial powers came to Somalia, were buried to be never told in Somalia’s political and history narratives. We were made to believe that the history of the struggle of the people of Somalia to be free and own their state and government started from Derwish leader Sayid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan. That was how Siyad Barre was formulating Somali history for twenty-one years in power with iron fist.

Now, let us come back to our today’s theme: Federalism

Is Somalia’s federalism de facto or de jure? Was federalism a part of public debate in Somalia from 1960-1991? Other than the rise of SSDF as opposition movement against military regime and a small elements of intellectuals and former politicians from Digil&Mirifle before independence (inugu federaal fadnee?), was there any public awareness of desire for federalism? Was federalism imposed on Somali people by laws of government? Could someone do something to prevent it from happening at that time? Can anyone do something today to eliminate it from Somalia’s political discourse, body politic and laws of the land? What are the political consequences or the legacy of the Civil War? Isn’t the failure of the Somali State resulting in de facto “federalism” a part of Somali political narrative and outcome of the Civil War? Are the root causes of the Civil War still addressed? What guarantees in Somalia’s political and security situation today do we have to ensure that yesterday’s political blunders wouldn’t be repeated?

It is noteworthy to remind Somali people that

  1. Federalism and its variety of confederalism finds relevance in Somalia’s traditional clan society where most clans are more bonded by federation than by blood lineages. The infamous 4.5 clans are confederate clans. Most clans in Somalia are social constructs for strengthening them numerically for common protection. Nowadays, Somali Clan confederates are lately used for securing political edge in power-sharing rivalry.
  2. Still some shamelessly propagate that Somalia’s Federalism was derived or adopted from ethnic Ethiopian federalism. Knowing historical facts about national efforts of re-instating Somali State after its failure in January 1991, and having participated in most national reconciliation process, I confirm that Ethiopian involvement in the drafting of Somalia’s governance holds no water. Some Somalia’s constituencies were demanding federal system long before independence. It is a fallacy to interpret Somali federalism that way. It is just another anti-federalist tactics to unravel the modest gains of the Federal System and discredit its supporters. Unfortunately, many gullible Somali citizens bought this dangerous falsehood.
  3. Another misinformation is that Puntland State is part of Southern Somalia. That is the same as the notion that SSC is part of Somaliland now, given colonial history. Puntland State is located geographically in Northeast and parts of Northwest regions of Somalia and colonial borders had lost relevance after the Act of Union of 1960 forming the Somali Republic.
  4. Finally, Mogadishu and Hargheisa have same misleading policy on Puntland State: They propagate that Puntland is part of Southern Somalia and SCC is part of Somaliland. This is neither true nor acceptable to us.

The situation on the Somalia’s “Debt Relief” is worse than you think. Interest payments or “Debt Servicing” on Somalia’s Sovereign Debt is paid by the people of Somalia, including those in Puntland State. It is paid from portions of bilateral and international donations. The Central Government divides these donations into two portions, one going to debt Somalia’s servicing, and the other portion is further subdivided, small amounts of which are thrown to FMS in the same way you throw pieces of meat or fish at lunch table to the cats, and the bulk of it is burned in Mogadishu and used for non-stop international travels of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. People of Puntland are among those paying these big-ticket expenditures.

Make no mistake. “Fiscal Federalism” you hear about these days is being negotiated and conducted under these abnormal situation. Don’t expect any fair distribution of resources any time soon, if this course of action is maintained.

Legislations and institution-building are runaway power abuses and corruption. Best examples are recent laws of NISA, Petroleum, and Fishery, just to name a few. Who passes these laws in Federal Parliament, by the way? Yes, by the federal parliament representatives of Puntland State, among others, because if they don’t conform to the political dictations of Southern leaders, they wouldn’t be safe in Mogadishu. 

Now, tell me how Puntland State could work with Mogadishu Regime, which respects no agreements and laws of the land with total disregard to the governance system most Somalis agreed upon? This gives you an idea on what is happening between FGS and Puntland State.

 People say let us complete the Federal Constitution. More questions arise here:

 The question is whose constitution is it? 

  1. Is it a national constitution or a constitution of South Central Somalia? 
  2. Where does Somaliland stand here? 
  3. Are we talking about negotiations between South and North Somalia again, after a constitution for South Central Somalia is passed with potential Puntland State unwise consent?
  4. Where do Puntland’s SSC Regions stand here? 
  5. What about one and half region state in Central Somalia supposed to be an “Interim administration”, but now having the same rights and status as Puntland State? 
  6. What about other mini-states whose headquarters are located in or operating from Mogadishu, challenging Puntland State at Madasha Qaranka, and Mogadishu Regime is using them against Puntland State’s legitimate concerns? 
  7. In conclusion, would Puntland State past MOUs and agreements with the Central Government since 2009 need ratification by Puntland constitutional bodies?

I leave you with these questions to ponder.

 However, I warn you that the struggle between pros and cons of federalism will go on until one side wins the game. Keep fighting.

CONCLUSIONS

To reiterate, federalism is a de facto or force majeure that happened in Somalia following the vicious Civil War in the country. Puntland Vision from 1998 and TFG of Somalia Charter recognized this historical and socio-economic facts on the ground in Somalia.

Is the notion that federalism couldn’t function or isn’t feasible in Somalia holds truth? Could you improve this debate further to argue that this claim wasn’t consistent with historical facts and reality on the ground?

Since TFG of Somalia, the country had four presidential mandates: Sharif Ahmed, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) 1.0, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo and HSM 2.0? Tell me one of them, who had spent time making federalism work in Somalia? If you want to build a house, and do not move to realize the dream, would it be built by itself? These past and present Somali federal leaders were either undermining or trying to dismantle it. In other words, they were not converts of federalism. That is why opponents of federalism were quick to denounce federalism as incompatible for Somali culture and it couldn’t function well in Somalia. This is a fallacy. Federalism is a reality on the ground in Somalia. Puntland State is a living example that federalism does work in Somalia.

However, there is a vicious cycle in Federal Member States too. Federalism meant to decentralize authority or power to Elected District councils (remember federal government is three levels: FGS, FMS and District Councils).  This never happened before Puntland State. That is good news for federalism in Somalia.

But federalism has many forms. There are asymmetrical, confederal and other forms of federalism. However, it takes two to a tango (single person doesn’t play dhaanto by himself/herself). Whom to talk to on this issue, if Mogadishu governments aren’t ready or interested. They are also against democratization and will of the people. There is one political position of Somaliland Administration I used to admire in my past political experience: “Whom to talk to in Southern Somalia?” This situation still holds true to Mogadishu political situation. Are there political space and environment in Mogadishu today to talk about fiscal federalism, common security architecture and federal legislations in parliament not sensitive to the concerns of FMS?

NEGATIVE NOISES SURROUNDING PUNTLAND COUNCIL ELECTIONS AND WISHES OF DOOMSDAY FOR THE STATE

WDM EDITORIAL

Unsettling noises about perils coming on the way of Puntland’s continued existence are not only misplaced, but they are also dangerous and unwarranted fear-mongering. From Somalia’s Head of State to a bunch of uninformed politicians on current Puntland internal situation, they are unleashing statements of ill-will for the residents of Puntland State. People and political associations here are in election campaign mood. They were busy registering themselves to participate in the re-envigorated democratization process – they don’t have time and space for sidetracks. They are ready to exercise their democratic rights as they grew tired of the old clan system that has been keeping the State politically stagnant for more than two decades.

Ironically, those former Puntland political leaders, who had abysmally failed to move democratic elections forward in their past stints are now making the biggest noises in opposing the long overdue transition to a better governance. Their negative attitudes toward holding, at least district council elections, are unfortunate, if not an outright disservice to the stability of the State.

In regard to President Mohamud’s recent misleading and ill-informed statement about perceived dangers confronting Puntland, one can only dismiss it as ill-wish, or rather sour grapes, for his administration has still a long way to catch up with the multifaceted progress Puntland State has been making over the years. Instead of commending the residents of Puntland State and their leadership for setting up the role model for the rest of Somalia, he has chosen words of despair and disillusion. Suffice to say that People of Somalia will move on with or without Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, no doubt about that.

FARMAAJO’S APOLOGY TO SOMALILAND IS BRUTALLY SELECTIVE

While all people of goodwill would welcome the President’s apology to Somaliland’s unilateral claim of atrocities by Barre’s Junta, he deliberately, or, naively ignores the war crimes and gross human rights violations committed by the regime in Mudugh and Kismaayo. Add to this, the banditry, plunder and robbery of Barre’s retreating and fleeing forces in Bay and Bakool regions in the last days of regime’s collapse.


If Farmaajo had had any common sense and any sort of what it takes a leader to address such an important issue, he would have apologized for all atrocities of Siyaad Barre’s Regime. By apologizing to Somaliland alone, on temporary political expediency, he has complicated the situation: Now, he is required to apologize to the residents of Mudugh for Barre’s mass incarceration, killing, maining of innocent citizens en masses, destruction and poisoning of nomads’s water-holes, rape and other human rights violations amounting to undoubtedly war crimes.


Make no mistake, any effort towards yet to be called for national reconciliation talks, those atrocities in Mudugh by Barre and his henchmen shall stand out, without which popular trust in national government and public institutions couldn’t be achieved.


Finally, it is my hope that the leaders and people of Somaliland would seize this opportunity by allowing  President Farmaajo to visit Hargeisa without the entourage of Prime Minister Ethiopia, Abyi Ahmed Ali. People of Somaliland deserves better than that.

(Photo: The late politician from Mudugh, Yusuf Osman Samater, who had spent 18 years in Regime’s solitary confinement prison cell without charge).


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INDIRECT RULE OR CONTAINMENT OF SOMALIA


October 5, 2019


The international community, including her neighbours consider Somalia dangerous, not because of the extremists she produces, foreign radicals she hosts or sending huge refugees to the Western World. These can be easily defeated or managed as they aren’t more difficult than those in Syria or Iraq. Somalia is regarded dangerous because of the characters of her people. From her colonial rulers and observers to the present Somali Partners’ Forum, the conclusion is keeping Somalia under indirect rule or containment, taking clue from past colonial anthropologists, explorers, travelers, administrators and leaders of colonial powers of Great Britain, Italy and France as well as historically hostile neighbors of Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya, and even Tanzania, which has no borders with Somalia, and lately Djibouti, exploiting the spoils of collapsing Somali Central Government.


As the Somali Central Government had failed in 1991, the International Community had set up the Somali Aid Coordinating Body, the SACB, to direct and manage the problems of  Somalia, basically taking over the sovereignty of the Somali State. As the Transitional Federal Government of the Somali Republic, TFG, was elected in 2004, the Somali Coordinating and Monitoring Committee, CMC, was created immediately to hang on to Somali sovereignty and not letting it go. That is why the TFG couldn’t operate. Somali Partners’ Forum is the similar grouping as SACB with just different friendly name, doing the same function of indirect rule of Somalia.


The common character of these groups, specifically designed to handle Somalia, is their lack of accoubtability. They aren’t accountable to anyone. They have no common address. Their membership is difficult to know as International NGOs and foreign security services often take part in their activities. They often issue no-reply statements. They always take advantage of high turn-over of naive and inexperienced Somali leaders. The problem is that Somalia, in her desperate humanitarian, governance and security situations, needs the individual countries and organizations that make up such Western oranizations as they need or interested in Somalia too.


In my personal capacity as representative of Puntland Government then, I had to reject the decisions and letters from SACB at the time, reiterating the fact that Puntland was not signatory to 1993 Addis Ababa Treaty on creating the SACB, its Code of Conduct and Policy Paper On Working With Responsible Somali Authorities. In 1993, only Somaliland existed. The rest of these “Responsible Authorities” were traditional leaders, local NGOs and other civil societies, if any.

The reasoning behind the mindset of these foreign organizations is based on historical writings of Richard Burton, Sir Richard Ellot, Enrico Cerrulli,  I.M. Lewis, Gerald Hanley and others, descriping Somalis as proud, firecely independent, extremely intelligent and violent by nature. If not contained and marginalized, they would move beyond their native borders to own up entire East Africa first, after which they could surprise the rest of the world. Their danger lies in the fact that they consider themselves more equal than the white European people. To paraphrase one British colonial administrator of East Africa, the white man couldn’t accept a black man, who thinks he is superior than the European man. They should be contained within the borders of Jubaland. Take a listen to Sir Richard Eliot:


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YouTube credit: Ramad TV

ON THE ISSUE OF CONFEDERALISM

September 25, 2019

Warsame Digital Media WDM welcomes debate, interviews and comments. You don’t have to be necessarily a proponent or opponent of this governing concept of Confederalism – you may ask questions for clarification or submit comments as your way to contribute ideas to the on-going debate.

Have your say.

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PUNTLAND BUDGET ERRORS

I watched the statics on Puntland presented at 21st Anniversary Celebration Function 2019 last night. There were serious errors, especially in annual budget projections over the years. I really doubt that the estimate of 72 million annual budget does reflect on reality. I suspect that Puntland Government annual budget conservatively tops up one billion dollars. Past Budget Managers of Puntland Ministry of Finance had had neither the expertise of budget preparation nor transparent manners to produce real budget. They were book-cookers and fraudsters. They were not taking into account millions of dollars looted through all kinds of schemes, aggregate income, budget support through international aid, suplements and Federal Government transfers. No wonder they have now all lost their jobs after twenty years on undeserved key financial positions with the government.

Deni Administration should take immediate steps to address this unexplained financial mismanagement in the State. There is nothing secret about the size of a government budget anywhere in the world, unless there is a looting and financial corruption to cover up as it has been happening in Puntland over many years. Instead, governments often overestimate budgets, not minimize them.

As an example, the ministries of education and health alone receive revenue in the millions of US dollars from international donors. This is has been never reflected in Puntland Annual Budgets. This is true to other departments and agencies as well.

In this regard, the first and most important legislative power of any parliament is the approval or rejection of government budget and making sure it is used as appropriated. Puntland House of Representatives had kept failing in its number one constitutional authority. This is the shameful history of Puntland Parliament.

There were historical errors and false claims by some as well. Those who opposed the creation of Puntland at that time now claim to be its founders. That is because victory has many god-fathers. So be it as long as their opposition to Puntland creation was defeated at the time, and we are here to celebrate that achievement.

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( credit: Ancient Somali Coin forwarded by Said Gooshe, PCT).

Postscript:

Waxan qabaa in miisaaniyad-sanadeedka Dawladda Puntland ay ugu yaraan kor udhaafsantahy Hal Balyan. Dhakhliga taakeerada dibedda kasoo gala usugayn dhawr Wasaaradood sida Wasaaradda Caafimaadka, Waxbarashada, shaqaalaha financial institutions -ku taageeraan Dawladda Puntland, dhakhliyada kale ee kala duwan ayaa ka badan miisaaniyeedda la xusay. Waa la garankaraa in Maamulka Cusub ee Deni u baahanyahay wakhti iyo daraasad in arrintaa looga baaraan dego.

La arkidoonee sanadka dambe.

EDITORIAL: PUNTLAND STABLE AS ROCK

Puntland, August 1, 2019
On the Anniversary Celebrations of PUNTLAND STATE OF SOMALIA,
21 years on, and PUNTLAND STATE is as stable as a rock while still being roughed up at ridges. Congratulations to all for making the State of PUNTLAND a staying power, pioneer and vanguard of Somali unity!
There are many things, privileges and benefits residents of Puntland take for granted, the most important of which are peace and freedom. For example, In many countries, a media outlet like this blog cannot and doesn’t exist, not to mention the absence of basic individual freedoms of their citizens.
21 years ago the community of Northeast Somalia had embarked upon the long and hard journey of reclaiming Somalia again after the First Republic had failed in 1991, thus Puntland had led the way to the historic foundation of 2nd Somali Republic, the Federal Republic of Somalia. What an achievement!
But, the Lotta continua. There is still a lot to do in regards to PUNTLAND STATE and Somalia. Let us keeping going forward, for when the going gets taugh, only the taugh keeps going.

PUNTLAND HISTORIC CONTRIBUTIONS AND ACHIEVEMENTS TO SOMALIA

On the 21st Anniversary Celebrations of Puntland State of Somalia,

Ladies and gentlemen,

Over the past few months, I have been sharing, with you, history documents and interviews on both the foundation of Puntland State of Somalia in August 1998, and the 2nd Somali Republic, the Federal Republic of Somalia in 2004, with the express intention of writing our history and role of Puntland in the revival of Somalia as a sovereign nation. That is because, If we don’t write our own history and claim our historical achievements in that regard, somebody else would write it for us. It would be impossible to re-write or re-claim those missed opportunities later.

I would, therefore, urge you to put into record all that you know about Puntland contributions to history making events in Somalia’s survival, sovereignity and unity.

Thank you,
Ismail H. Warsame
Garowe, Puntland.

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THE SOMALI DOCTRINE

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June 28, 2019
Never re-elect a political leader is a Somali Doctrine and our contribution to the world of politics and political culture. The Doctrine is an exercise of democracy stretched to the maximum possible. It is consistent with George Orwellian famous quote that diapers and political leaders should be changed.
However, the Somali phenomenon has double edges. On the one hand, it cements a message to the president-elect or would-be elected that he or she wouldn’t have a 2nd chance, giving them only to choose one of two options:
  1. Abuse the system while have the chance
  2. Do something worthwhile to leave behind a good reputation, a proud nation and good name for own kids and family.
The Doctrine, on the other hand, had brought misfortune to the people of Somalia by producing bad and corrupt politicians one after the other.
Based on history and experience, most Somali leaders choose the first option. Hence, Somalis have become cynical of politics and politicians.
The Somali Doctrine is deeply rooted in its logic that, where corruption is of epidemic proportion and checks and balance of power aren’t in place or difficult to implement because of this malfeasance, the only choice left for Somalis to fight back is to not never return a political leader to power.

The problem with Ahmed Madoobe of Jubaland is that he has stubbornly violated that Somali Doctrine.

Call it the ingenuity of the Somali Doctrine.