Constitutional Crisis, Governance Failures, and Federal-State Tensions in Somalia: A Critical Political Assessment

By Abdiladif Ahmed

Made non-binding

Somalia’s democratic future depends on constitutional governance, institutional accountability, credible elections, and unwavering respect for the rule of law. When constitutional mandates are disputed and electoral timelines repeatedly slip, the legitimacy of state institutions is inevitably called into question. Against this backdrop, the administration of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has faced mounting criticism over allegations of corruption, nepotism, poor governance, and an unprecedented concentration of executive power.
Critics argue that rather than strengthening democratic institutions, advancing national reconciliation, and consolidating Somalia’s fragile federal system, the current administration has deepened political polarization, weakened public confidence, strained relations with Federal Member States, and intensified constitutional uncertainty.
Electoral Delays and Constitutional Legitimacy
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s original four-year mandate, dating from his May 2022 election, was due to expire on May 15, 2026 — roughly ten weeks ago. In March 2026, however, parliament passed, and Mohamud signed, constitutional amendments extending both the presidential and parliamentary terms from four to five years, pushing national elections to 2027. The government frames this as a necessary step to complete preparations for Somalia’s first one-person-one-vote elections.
Opposition leaders reject this extension outright, arguing that parliament had no authority to unilaterally rewrite the electoral calendar and that the amendments amount to what one opposition coalition has called a “constitutional coup.” In their view, remaining in office on the basis of a self-extended mandate undermines constitutional order, weakens the rule of law, and raises profound questions about the legitimacy of the federal executive. They contend that continued postponement of elections erodes democratic accountability, diminishes public trust in state institutions, and sets a dangerous precedent whereby constitutional deadlines become subordinate to political expediency.
This is, in short, a genuine and unresolved legitimacy dispute rather than a settled fact: the government maintains its mandate is constitutionally valid until 2027, while the opposition maintains it expired in May 2026. Diplomatic efforts by the United States and United Kingdom to mediate a transition agreement collapsed in mid-May 2026 without resolution, leaving both positions in place.
Allegations of Corruption, Nepotism, and Institutional Erosion
Critics further allege that the administration has become increasingly characterized by corruption, political patronage, and nepotism. They argue that appointments to senior public offices have too often reflected political loyalty and personal affiliation rather than merit, competence, transparency, and the national interest.
According to these critics, such practices have weakened state institutions, discouraged professionalism within the civil service, diminished administrative effectiveness, and undermined public confidence in government. They contend that corruption and patronage have diverted scarce national resources away from security, development, and essential public services while entrenching networks of political privilege.
It should be noted that these allegations, as presented here, remain general in nature; they are not tied to specific documented cases in this assessment and would require independent verification, audit, or investigation to substantiate. Many observers nonetheless argue that Somalia cannot build effective institutions or achieve long-term stability without restoring merit-based governance, strengthening independent oversight, and enforcing meaningful accountability across public institutions.
Allegations of Political Intimidation
Several opposition figures have alleged that political pressure, intimidation, and administrative restrictions have constrained their ability to participate freely in Somalia’s political process. Critics argue that these practices have narrowed democratic space, discouraged legitimate political competition, and weakened constitutional pluralism.
They maintain that democracy cannot flourish where opposition parties are unable to organize, campaign, and criticize government policies without fear of political retaliation. These allegations remain matters of political dispute and would require independent investigation and judicial scrutiny to establish the underlying facts.
Federal-State Relations: Puntland, Jubbaland, and South West State
Relations between the Federal Government and multiple Federal Member States have deteriorated considerably since the March 2026 term-extension amendments, raising broader concerns about the future of Somalia’s federal constitutional order. Puntland, Jubbaland, and — as of March 2026 — South West State have all suspended cooperation with Mogadishu, aligning through the opposition Somali Future Council coalition.
Critics argue that instead of pursuing dialogue, constitutional consultation, and cooperative federalism, the federal government has increasingly relied on confrontational political strategies that have deepened mistrust between Mogadishu and the Federal Member States.
Regarding Puntland, critics contend that the federal government’s push for the term-extension amendments and broader electoral reforms has unnecessarily strained relations with one of Somalia’s longest-standing federal administrations, which denounced the extension as an illegal power grab. They argue that Puntland’s constitutional autonomy should be respected and that disagreements should be resolved through constitutional dialogue rather than confrontation.
Similar concerns have been raised regarding Jubbaland, where tensions with Mogadishu — rooted in a 2024 federal treason warrant against Jubbaland’s president and disputes over electoral processes and revenue-sharing — have persisted for over a year. South West State’s break with the federal government in March 2026 followed its own accusations that Mogadishu was arming militias to destabilize the region and pursuing unconstitutional centralization. Critics argue that the widening rift across three federal member states reflects an expansion, rather than a resolution, of Somalia’s constitutional tensions.
Governance Failures and National Consequences
Critics maintain that corruption, political favoritism, institutional weakness, and prolonged constitutional disputes have distracted the government from Somalia’s most pressing national priorities, including defeating terrorism, strengthening the economy, improving public services, completing constitutional reforms, and enhancing national security.
According to these critics, persistent governance failures have weakened institutional capacity, discouraged domestic and international investment, reduced public confidence, and contributed to continuing political instability. They argue that sustainable national development cannot be achieved while constitutional disputes, allegations of corruption, and political polarization continue to dominate the national agenda.
Foreign Influence and National Sovereignty
The government’s management of foreign partnerships has also become the subject of increasing political scrutiny. Critics argue that the administration has become increasingly reliant on external political and security partnerships, raising questions about transparency, national sovereignty, and parliamentary oversight.
Opposition figures and independent analysts have questioned the government’s relationship with Türkiye on specific grounds. The March 2024 hydrocarbons agreement, which grants Turkey’s state oil company exploration and production rights across three offshore blocks, reportedly was not fully disclosed to Somalia’s parliament before its terms became public through Turkish ratification proceedings — and allows Turkey to recover as much as 90% of production costs before Somalia receives a share of profits, with disputes to be resolved through arbitration in Istanbul rather than Somali courts. Somalia’s own parliamentary Natural Resources Committee has reportedly characterized the agreement as unconstitutional. Similar transparency concerns have been raised about port and security arrangements, with one analysis alleging that the government’s share of port revenues fell sharply under a Turkish concession arrangement.
Critics contend that Somalia’s offshore hydrocarbons, fisheries, strategic ports, and critical mineral resources should be managed through transparent legal frameworks, constitutional oversight, and independent public accountability to ensure that the Somali people remain the principal beneficiaries of their national wealth. More broadly, opponents argue that excessive centralization of decision-making in foreign affairs has marginalized Federal Member States, weakened institutional checks and balances, and reduced public confidence in national governance.
Supporters of the government reject these criticisms, maintaining that international partnerships, including those with Türkiye, are intended to strengthen Somalia’s security, infrastructure, and economic development, and that Turkey remains one of Somalia’s most significant security partners, having trained thousands of Somali soldiers over the past decade. These competing perspectives remain the subject of ongoing political debate.
Constitutional Accountability
Political accountability remains the cornerstone of constitutional democracy. Regardless of political affiliation, all public officials are expected to operate within constitutional limits, respect electoral timelines, uphold institutional independence, and adhere to the rule of law.
Critics argue that Somalia requires stronger independent institutions, credible elections, judicial independence, effective anti-corruption mechanisms, and meaningful political dialogue to restore confidence in public governance. They further contend that durable political reform depends upon constitutional adherence, institutional integrity, and respect for democratic norms.
Conclusion
Somalia stands at a defining constitutional moment, with the federal government and a growing opposition coalition of federal member states holding fundamentally incompatible views on the legitimacy of the current presidential and parliamentary mandate. Allegations of corruption, nepotism, institutional mismanagement, and deteriorating relations between Mogadishu and Puntland, Jubbaland, and South West State have intensified debate over the country’s democratic direction.
Opponents argue that lasting political stability cannot be built upon centralized authority, weakened institutions, or prolonged constitutional uncertainty. Instead, they contend that Somalia’s future depends upon resolving the current electoral impasse through negotiation, strengthening institutional accountability, combating corruption, promoting merit-based public administration, reinforcing cooperative federalism, and ensuring that political competition is conducted within the framework of law, constitutional order, and democratic principles.

ANOTHER LOOK AT SOMALI FEDERALISM

Garowe, May 14, 2023

By ISMAIL HAJI WARSAME

ON FEDERALISM

When political opponents say that Puntland State is the mother of federalism, people of Puntland think that they are being praised and recognized for the State’s tremendous sacrifices in men, material and minds in founding the 2nd Somali Republic, the current Federal Republic of Somalia (First Somali Republic existed from 1960-1991). In fact, what protagonists are saying here is that Puntland alone came up with unpractical federal concept that was not applicable nationwide. Sadly also, the history of who had spear-headed in salvaging Somalia from total disintegration and its disappearance from the world map, following the Civil War, had been hidden and buried in the same way that the history of self-government, sultanates and kingdoms that existed in Puntland regions long before European colonial powers came to Somalia, were buried to be never told in Somalia’s political and history narratives. We were made to believe that the history of the struggle of the people of Somalia to be free and own their state and government started from Derwish leader Sayid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan. That was how Siyad Barre was formulating Somali history for twenty-one years in power with iron fist.

Now, let us come back to our today’s theme: Federalism

Is Somalia’s federalism de facto or de jure? Was federalism a part of public debate in Somalia from 1960-1991? Other than the rise of SSDF as opposition movement against military regime and a small elements of intellectuals and former politicians from Digil&Mirifle before independence (inugu federaal fadnee?), was there any public awareness of desire for federalism? Was federalism imposed on Somali people by laws of government? Could someone do something to prevent it from happening at that time? Can anyone do something today to eliminate it from Somalia’s political discourse, body politic and laws of the land? What are the political consequences or the legacy of the Civil War? Isn’t the failure of the Somali State resulting in de facto “federalism” a part of Somali political narrative and outcome of the Civil War? Are the root causes of the Civil War still addressed? What guarantees in Somalia’s political and security situation today do we have to ensure that yesterday’s political blunders wouldn’t be repeated?

It is noteworthy to remind Somali people that

  1. Federalism and its variety of confederalism finds relevance in Somalia’s traditional clan society where most clans are more bonded by federation than by blood lineages. The infamous 4.5 clans are confederate clans. Most clans in Somalia are social constructs for strengthening them numerically for common protection. Nowadays, Somali Clan confederates are lately used for securing political edge in power-sharing rivalry.
  2. Still some shamelessly propagate that Somalia’s Federalism was derived or adopted from ethnic Ethiopian federalism. Knowing historical facts about national efforts of re-instating Somali State after its failure in January 1991, and having participated in most national reconciliation process, I confirm that Ethiopian involvement in the drafting of Somalia’s governance holds no water. Some Somalia’s constituencies were demanding federal system long before independence. It is a fallacy to interpret Somali federalism that way. It is just another anti-federalist tactics to unravel the modest gains of the Federal System and discredit its supporters. Unfortunately, many gullible Somali citizens bought this dangerous falsehood.
  3. Another misinformation is that Puntland State is part of Southern Somalia. That is the same as the notion that SSC is part of Somaliland now, given colonial history. Puntland State is located geographically in Northeast and parts of Northwest regions of Somalia and colonial borders had lost relevance after the Act of Union of 1960 forming the Somali Republic.
  4. Finally, Mogadishu and Hargheisa have same misleading policy on Puntland State: They propagate that Puntland is part of Southern Somalia and SCC is part of Somaliland. This is neither true nor acceptable to us.

The situation on the Somalia’s “Debt Relief” is worse than you think. Interest payments or “Debt Servicing” on Somalia’s Sovereign Debt is paid by the people of Somalia, including those in Puntland State. It is paid from portions of bilateral and international donations. The Central Government divides these donations into two portions, one going to debt Somalia’s servicing, and the other portion is further subdivided, small amounts of which are thrown to FMS in the same way you throw pieces of meat or fish at lunch table to the cats, and the bulk of it is burned in Mogadishu and used for non-stop international travels of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. People of Puntland are among those paying these big-ticket expenditures.

Make no mistake. “Fiscal Federalism” you hear about these days is being negotiated and conducted under these abnormal situation. Don’t expect any fair distribution of resources any time soon, if this course of action is maintained.

Legislations and institution-building are runaway power abuses and corruption. Best examples are recent laws of NISA, Petroleum, and Fishery, just to name a few. Who passes these laws in Federal Parliament, by the way? Yes, by the federal parliament representatives of Puntland State, among others, because if they don’t conform to the political dictations of Southern leaders, they wouldn’t be safe in Mogadishu. 

Now, tell me how Puntland State could work with Mogadishu Regime, which respects no agreements and laws of the land with total disregard to the governance system most Somalis agreed upon? This gives you an idea on what is happening between FGS and Puntland State.

 People say let us complete the Federal Constitution. More questions arise here:

 The question is whose constitution is it? 

  1. Is it a national constitution or a constitution of South Central Somalia? 
  2. Where does Somaliland stand here? 
  3. Are we talking about negotiations between South and North Somalia again, after a constitution for South Central Somalia is passed with potential Puntland State unwise consent?
  4. Where do Puntland’s SSC Regions stand here? 
  5. What about one and half region state in Central Somalia supposed to be an “Interim administration”, but now having the same rights and status as Puntland State? 
  6. What about other mini-states whose headquarters are located in or operating from Mogadishu, challenging Puntland State at Madasha Qaranka, and Mogadishu Regime is using them against Puntland State’s legitimate concerns? 
  7. In conclusion, would Puntland State past MOUs and agreements with the Central Government since 2009 need ratification by Puntland constitutional bodies?

I leave you with these questions to ponder.

 However, I warn you that the struggle between pros and cons of federalism will go on until one side wins the game. Keep fighting.

CONCLUSIONS

To reiterate, federalism is a de facto or force majeure that happened in Somalia following the vicious Civil War in the country. Puntland Vision from 1998 and TFG of Somalia Charter recognized this historical and socio-economic facts on the ground in Somalia.

Is the notion that federalism couldn’t function or isn’t feasible in Somalia holds truth? Could you improve this debate further to argue that this claim wasn’t consistent with historical facts and reality on the ground?

Since TFG of Somalia, the country had four presidential mandates: Sharif Ahmed, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) 1.0, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo and HSM 2.0? Tell me one of them, who had spent time making federalism work in Somalia? If you want to build a house, and do not move to realize the dream, would it be built by itself? These past and present Somali federal leaders were either undermining or trying to dismantle it. In other words, they were not converts of federalism. That is why opponents of federalism were quick to denounce federalism as incompatible for Somali culture and it couldn’t function well in Somalia. This is a fallacy. Federalism is a reality on the ground in Somalia. Puntland State is a living example that federalism does work in Somalia.

However, there is a vicious cycle in Federal Member States too. Federalism meant to decentralize authority or power to Elected District councils (remember federal government is three levels: FGS, FMS and District Councils).  This never happened before Puntland State. That is good news for federalism in Somalia.

But federalism has many forms. There are asymmetrical, confederal and other forms of federalism. However, it takes two to a tango (single person doesn’t play dhaanto by himself/herself). Whom to talk to on this issue, if Mogadishu governments aren’t ready or interested. They are also against democratization and will of the people. There is one political position of Somaliland Administration I used to admire in my past political experience: “Whom to talk to in Southern Somalia?” This situation still holds true to Mogadishu political situation. Are there political space and environment in Mogadishu today to talk about fiscal federalism, common security architecture and federal legislations in parliament not sensitive to the concerns of FMS?

190 SUDENTS GRADUATE FROM EAST AFRICA UNIVERSITY GAROWE BRANCH TODAY

November 5, 2019


It was a bright day for both parents and 190 young graduates from East Africa University (EAU), GAROWE BRANCH in multiple disciplines of sciences, social studies, environmental protection and  business management.  


According to EAU President, Aden Sheikhdon, about another 600 students graduate this year from the main campus in Bosaso. It was remarkable to note that five of the six honor graduates from the 190 students were girls.


EAU President had re-minded the audience of the history of long struggles of Puntland Education over the years since the collapse of the Somali Central Government in 1991. Former and long serving  Somali Minister of Education, Aden Mohamed Ali, spoke on the occasion, emphasizing the importance of strengthening studies in Education, Health and the Environment.


Puntland President, Said Abdullahi Deni, whose background is in building basic education schools in Puntland, spoke elegantly on the occasion, pointing out the challenges accompanying with each university graduation in terms of availability of job opportunities and need for skill training for today’s labour market.


The gathering, however, had failed to address the pressing concerns of Puntland students on having legitimate and equal opportunities in national scholarships, whereby the Federal Government of Somalia is an obstacle to equal distribution of overseas scholarships and educational grants.

While at it, I am pleased to remind all that I, as former Chief of Staff at Puntland Presidency, had worked out with the First Team of Puntland Educators, to properly license the EAU. It took several rounds of tough talks for the Team to produce and satisfy the university standards needed to get Puntland State License in 1999.


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BREAKING NEWS: SUSPICIOUS, IF NOT BREACH OF TRUST



October 18, 2019

ICJ HEARING OF SOMALIA-KENYA MARITIME DISPUTE DERAILED

The postponement of ICJ hearing of the case until June 2020 is at least suspicious, if not already a breach of public trust. I believe this is the 2nd ICJ postponement of the hearing. But, this time, the situation is different with a cloud of suspicion as what has transpired between Somalia and Kenya under the mediation efforts by the new Nobel Peace Laureate, Prime Minister Abyi Ahmed of Ethiopia.

It looks that a deal on the case has been struck to postpone the ICJ hearing to an unacceptable long period before its suspension and eventual withdrawal from the Court altogether.

President Farmaajo must go live urgently to address this issue and the subsrance of his latest interactions with President Uhuru of Kenya, IGAD Mediation Team and Prime Minister Abyi Ahmed of Ethiopia on the case. There is a rotten fish to smell, so to speak.

Somali people are stunned by the silence of President Farmajo on his multiple secret MoUs, agreements and treaties with Ethiopia. This is very discomforting.

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A WORD OF PRAISE TO SOMALIA’S FORMER PRESIDENTS

October 18, 2019


They say, give the devil his dues. The former Somalia’s Presidents of the Federal Government, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, have become politically mature enough to keep engaged in Somali affairs, irrespective of their political ambitions to seek 2nd chance at the Federal Presidency. That is citizenship. They sought public service to a make a difference. They know they had left huge problems behind and figured out that they still could contribute to a better Somalia. The mere fact that they are still publicly engaged in to help resolve Somalia’s predicaments as active and enlightened citizens of Somalia is highly commendable. Compare them with Abdulqassin Salad Hassan and Ali Mahdi Mohamed. What do you say to that?


Also engaged and still  politically active is  former federal Prime Minister, Ali Mohamed Geedi. He deserves praise for still getting involved in fixing Somalia. Compare him with the two Abdiwelis, CCC and Saacid. Are they even comparable to him? I know they would say that they had had their term and they couldn’t meddle in other politician’s mandate. But, we all know that they are still politically as ambitious as Farmaajo and Khayre.


Former President of Puntland State, Senator Abdirahman Faroole, turned out to fare far better politically speaking, and in terms of good citizenship than the two Abdiwelis, CCC and Saacid combined. Would you argue?


In fact, one could argue that those politicians, who have turned out to be indifferent to Somalia’s plight and daily suffering and struggles of the citizens, after they were rewarded with the full trust of the masses in the highest offices of the land, were fake and selfish, in the first place. Do you agree? 

It is rather disappointing as it is surprising that even Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame is doing a much better job in Somalia’s politics than a bunch of our former prime ministers and state presidents.


Have your say.


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ON JUBALAND, NOW MADOOBE FORCEFULLY RE-INSTALLED 3RD TIME,  WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?

October 13, 2019


So, Ahmed Madoobe is proclaimed President of Jubaland for 3rd time, now three times consecutively, in exchange for the destruction of Jubaland natural environment and perinnial rainforest, turning the entire vinicity and Kismayo Port black with coal ashes; with extremists still occupying entire Jubaland, save Kismayo City, which still enjoys the administration of warlordism and one-man show, with the extra security threat this time around to Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity from Kenya at mercy of autistic-like political leader at the helm of the Federal Government of Somalia.


Was the whole purpose of Madoobe’s Inauguration involves in doing more harm to the causes of the residents of jubaland and Somalia under the incompetent, short-sided, selfish and vengeful leadership of Farmaajo-Khayre feeble and pity dictators? 


Where do we go now from here to try to fix this mess created by Farmaajo Team?


Read what the Ethiopian intellectuals and scholars are concluding on FGS, in their October 2019 CDRC DIGGEST Journal, Vol 4 No 4:


“This is similar to how the Islamic Courts Union dealt with their opponents to emerge as the sole power in Southern Somalia from 2005 until early 2007. Currently the SFG is facing a dual challenge: addressing the threats that Al-Shabaab poses on the one hand and asserting itself as the de facto and de jure government of the entire country and the federal member states on the other.


 It appears that the SFG has yet to show progress on both fronts. The assault it has waged on the FMS has created fault lines that Al-Shabaab is manipulating. The situation of the Sourhwest, Galmudug and Hir-Shebelle states and the strength that AlShabaab is showing indicate these fault lines. Puntland and Jubaland have survived the onslaught of the SFG and are reasserting themselves in their respective areas of control, although the SFG is trying to asphyxiate them, Jubaland in particular. But these confrontations will not help either the SFG or these contesting FMS, as resources spent on self-defense and attacks could have been used to strengthen each other against a common enemy”


Prime Minister Abyi Ahmed of Ethiopia has just won the Nobel Peace Price for job well done for the entire Region, while President Farmaajo is being accusing of dismembering his own country and allowing extremists to multiply and get bolder under his watch.


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ANOTHER TURNING POINT IN SOMALIA’S GOVERNANCE


October 11, 2019


Since the adoption of the Provisonal Charter of 2004, a political battle has been raging on between federalists and centralists. A turning point in that political war came to half-way win for the federalists in confronting then former FGS President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, who had eventually capitulated to the formation of Jubaland. That was a strong message to the centralists that the clock couldn’t be turned backed to the departing position of one city-state status.


President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and his team of Damul-Jadiid had no choice, but to rush up a centrally sponsored formation of Hirshabelle and re-invigrated Galmudugh, as there was a political panic among Hawiye, as they saw themselves being left behind as the rest of Somalia had embraced upon federalism.


The centralists, however, didn’t give up their political struggle to turn the tide of popular desire for decentralization, even after formation of federal member states of Southwest, Hirshabelle and Galmudugh. They had to think of another way to continue the fight against federalists. Since they assumed the Daroods were spearheading the new notion of federalism, they had to find a Darood leader willing to sacrifice his constituency, like Siyaad Barre, for the position of a nominal presidency in Somalia. They struck gold in President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo, a Mogadishu born politician of former military regime, whose italian nickname, Farmaajo (cheese), sounds sweet to the residents of Banadir.


Farmaajo, heavily promoted and advertised by centralists, once elected under limelight of popular welcome, immediately started a war against what was supposed to his own power-base in Somalia’s clan politics, just in the same manner his former late boss ran things from Mogadishu then, while trying very hard to unravel the gains of the 2nd Republic. The only difference is that Farmaajo had deceptively chased out even the Marehans to project an inital image that they too aren’t welcome in Villa Somalia.


Regardless of whether the recent Jubaland election was properly and legally conducted or not, the bigger issue was that the centralists were using Farmaajo in the same way they were using HSM then. It looks that Jubaland is another turning point, again, that Somalia resists the temptation to restore one city-state dictatorship. 


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PUNTLAND: ABSENCE OF COHERENT STATE POLICY


October 3, 2019


Could anybody pinpoint the policy objectives of Puntland Government on the way forward locally and nationally? If you can do, share these policy goals with us.


I don’t see a Policy Paper on what Puntland State is doing or intends to do for all its residents to know and work towards achieving these objectives involving socio-economic targets; formulating State policy towards the rogue policies of the Federal Government; General Election 2020/21; its relationships and coordination with other Federal Member States; working with international partners and organizations; security and stability of Puntland State, among other issues of vital importance.


Puntland State seems unable or reluctant to formulate adequately a coherent policy on her political differences with the Mogadishu Regime, thus creating a confusion in the minds of Puntland people as from whom they take the political lead in going forward with regards to Somali national and local affairs. It looks that the State is in permanent political limbo situation. This is isn’t acceptable as it is dangerous – citizens not knowing where their country is heading to, how to help the State and what to hope for.

 
President Said Abdullahi Deni and his administration officials should know that the status quo is no longer acceptable, and that Puntland couldn’t stay put to wait for something happening to her, instead of Puntland State leading something to happen and shaping its future and that of Somalia.


There should be a White Paper on Puntland’s political objectives and actions to back them up. This should come out upon studies and thoughtful deliberations to produce serious policy alternatives on pressing issues of the State and Somalia. There should be mass communication strategy to inform Puntland general public and that of the people of Somalia and international community. Get the confusion and dilemmas out of the way. Puntland shouldn’t be playing Proverbial Ostrich.

“Finally, it is highly recommendable to recall all Puntland representatives, members of Federal Parliament and the Senate to come home for urgent consultations as a first step to work out a new Puntland strategic policy”


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LOGIC OR CRITICAL THINKING?

ARE YOU AWARE OF THIS FROM N&N GOVERNMENT?

N&N 2020 Election Strategy Roadmap. People will vote nationwide online? Are you kidding? Read their presentation at international forum.

GOING ROGUE AGAIN

October 2, 2019

Going rogue again to do more harm to the consolidation of a united 2nd Republic of Somalia.

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PRESIDENT FARMAAJO CLARIFIES HIS POSITION: WDM EDITORIAL


September 30, 2019


Now that President Farmaajo has clarified his position on Somalia-Kenya maritime dispute, and provided Somalia’s ICJ Court victory, it would be in the best interest of Kenya to accept such court verdict to earn the goodwill of Somalia for mutually beneficial future cooperation. Kenyans will benefit immensely from Somali oil and gas explorations in the Indian Ocean in many ways, including high employment of Kenyans and huge other economic benefits.


Somalia has the longest Indian Ocean and Red Sea coastlines, almost unutilyzed and unexploited. It makes no economic and sustainable security sense not to allow sharing this economic potential with the land-locked countries in Region, Ethiopia being the first to benefit. It is huge opportunity for Somalis to tap into the largest markets of Ethiopia in exchange for lasting peace, cooperation and friendship. 


Somalis just need to sort out their governance problems first to become one of the most prosperous and powerful nations in Africa. 


To achieve this objective, and as a starting point, let all Federal Members States thrive in peace and stability together with a Federal Government, respecting the laws of the land and working towards national reconciliation.


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GALMUDUGH OO DIB-U-BARAARUGTAY

WHO COULD BE SUPPORTERS OF N&N  ELECTION 2020/21 IN PUNTLAND?

September 29, 2019


If an election were held in Puntland today, whom do you think would vote in support of N&N?
It isn’t a wild guess work, but a predictable scenario based on keen observation on the mood, utterings and attitudes of sections of the Puntland population.

  1. Historically, there were portions of the population in the State, who are uncomfortable with the numerical superiority of the Majertain sub-clan groupings. These would vote N&N at expense of Puntland interest.
  2. There are young and politically naive social media fans, who know neither the history of Puntland struggle nor what N&N stands for.
  3. There are people, who fell victim to Dr. Ali Khalif Galayr’s type of hate speech directed at Puntland  State.

Consequently, all these groups are turning out to be anti-federalists and anti-self-government in their campaign to discredit the formation of federal member states in favor of a strong N&N led central government, even dictatorship from Mogadishu.

Historically, this political culture of hatred towards certain sections of Northeastern population had been cultivated and developed by the former military regime of Siyaad Barre. President Farmaajo is a product and student of that repressive regime. This is Farmaajo’s basis for purging Puntlanders from Federal Public Service, exactly in the same way Siyaad Barre did then. That is why Puntland students are being punished for belonging to the wrong Federal Member State. He isn’t learning from recent Somali political history. As he got chance and a shot at Somali politics, he didn’t know enough persons of Puntland origin. As TFG Prime Minister, he was compelled to tap someone seemingly from Northeastern Regions of Somalia. He placed his bet on Abdiweli Mohamed Ali (Gaas), his fellow resident of US Buffalo NY State, the only one person he knew from Majertain, and also Gaas was former resident of Dusa-Mareeb in Galgaduud Region of Central Somalia, where Farmaajo sub-clan family hails from. President Farmaajo now thinks that even Abdiweli Gaas had betrayed him as the former had lost the Somali Prime Ministership to the latter.


Given the situational analysis of Puntland, any administration in Puntland ought to study and pay attention to these societal contradictions, as it should address any real or perceived grivances harbored by certain sections of Puntland residents, including Somali IDPs.


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N&N POLITICAL ROADMAP DISCOVERED. Read this article for free.

September 26, 2019


Briefly explained, the “Political Roadmap” of Farmaajo-Khayre fledgling Federal Government (Federal by name only) consists of the following stages:

  1. Return to power 2020/21 by any means necessary;
  2. Dismantle and destruction of the Federal Member States in former Italian Somalia;
  3. Negotiations with former British Somaliland on a “New South-North Federalism”.

Somali observers believe that N&N Regime is already succeeding in the implementation of that bold Policy Roadmap with the elemination of resistance from Southwest State, Galmudugh and Hirshabelle, thus  the hard nuts to crack becoming Puntland and Jubaland. Jubaland is being tackled with right now, Puntland has been infiltrated at both civil society and political establishment levels. There are many people from Jubaland and Puntland states openly supporting N&N wild anti-federalist and destructive policies. These supporters constitute core supporters and base, who would prop up and follow N&N Government treasonous policies no matter what, acting in the same manners the hardened base supporters of US President Donald Trump.


Now that the N&N policy Roadmap is decoded, WDM readers, and Somali people as whole, could understand the strange behavior of President Farmaajo and Prime Minister towards Federal Member States. This is also the reason behind the purging of Puntlanders from Federal Public Service, and replacing them with personnel of Somaliland origin. 


The Administration of “Somaliland” is in complicit in the implementation of this N&N Policy Roadmap, though indirectly, in two ways:

  1. Support to Al-Shabab terrorist operations in Southern Somalia, thus denying security and stability in South-Central Somalia.
  2. Dismantle of Federal Member States

Have you ever heard the leaders of “Somaliland” condemning N&N destructive actions and abuses against Jubaland, Southwest, Galmudugh and Hirshabelle? Why, after all these are Somalis, whose human rights are being violated by regime supposed to protect them? Think about it.

Don’t be surprised if N&N Government cuts a deal with Kenya on the Maritime Dispute at expense of Jubaland to get rid of Jubaland resistance to N&N wild and adventurist Political Roadmap.

Stay tuned for more.


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@ismailwarsame


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ON THE ISSUE OF CONFEDERALISM

September 25, 2019

Warsame Digital Media WDM welcomes debate, interviews and comments. You don’t have to be necessarily a proponent or opponent of this governing concept of Confederalism – you may ask questions for clarification or submit comments as your way to contribute ideas to the on-going debate.

Have your say.

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PUNTLAND HISTORIC CONTRIBUTIONS AND ACHIEVEMENTS TO SOMALIA

On the 21st Anniversary Celebrations of Puntland State of Somalia,

Ladies and gentlemen,

Over the past few months, I have been sharing, with you, history documents and interviews on both the foundation of Puntland State of Somalia in August 1998, and the 2nd Somali Republic, the Federal Republic of Somalia in 2004, with the express intention of writing our history and role of Puntland in the revival of Somalia as a sovereign nation. That is because, If we don’t write our own history and claim our historical achievements in that regard, somebody else would write it for us. It would be impossible to re-write or re-claim those missed opportunities later.

I would, therefore, urge you to put into record all that you know about Puntland contributions to history making events in Somalia’s survival, sovereignity and unity.

Thank you,
Ismail H. Warsame
Garowe, Puntland.

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ANYBODY KNOWS SAMIRA GAID? KENYAN INTELLIGENCE INFILTRATING FGS?

Samira is in the news again, reportedly facilitating communication link-up between Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khayre and top Kenyan officials in a back-channel setup. This is an earlier WDM post on the same issue:

“Samira Kaid, who is Hassan Kheire’s special secretary, also takes home an immoral $12,000 from EU through UNPOS against existing donor and FGS regulations. Samira is engaged in unprofessional, unethical work practices that the prime minister either shamelessly condones or has his express approval. This means, since he sanctions or entertains unprofessionalism and unethical practices, the prime minister is himself unprofessional and unethical. One wonders what happened to his “islaxisaabtan” and anti-corruption tough talk?

Samira Kaid is confirmed to lack college degree. She reportedly used fake papers in her previous employments with AMISOM. Kheire hired her without due diligence and when the facts against Samira came out he ignored calls for him to address Samira fraudulent practice. Instead he irregularly rewards her with such a mind boggling tidy sum and other kickbacks.

Samira claims to have worked for Kenya’s State House presidential press unit as a communications specialist. She lamented her close relationships with someone that she resigned because she was viewed with suspicion, sidelined and discriminated against by her colleagues from other Kenyan communities because she was Somali. But others say she lasted there for only a few weeks because of fraud related with forged college papers.”

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