Category: political marketplace

ANOTHER TURNING POINT IN SOMALIA’S GOVERNANCE


October 11, 2019


Since the adoption of the Provisonal Charter of 2004, a political battle has been raging on between federalists and centralists. A turning point in that political war came to half-way win for the federalists in confronting then former FGS President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, who had eventually capitulated to the formation of Jubaland. That was a strong message to the centralists that the clock couldn’t be turned backed to the departing position of one city-state status.


President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and his team of Damul-Jadiid had no choice, but to rush up a centrally sponsored formation of Hirshabelle and re-invigrated Galmudugh, as there was a political panic among Hawiye, as they saw themselves being left behind as the rest of Somalia had embraced upon federalism.


The centralists, however, didn’t give up their political struggle to turn the tide of popular desire for decentralization, even after formation of federal member states of Southwest, Hirshabelle and Galmudugh. They had to think of another way to continue the fight against federalists. Since they assumed the Daroods were spearheading the new notion of federalism, they had to find a Darood leader willing to sacrifice his constituency, like Siyaad Barre, for the position of a nominal presidency in Somalia. They struck gold in President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo, a Mogadishu born politician of former military regime, whose italian nickname, Farmaajo (cheese), sounds sweet to the residents of Banadir.


Farmaajo, heavily promoted and advertised by centralists, once elected under limelight of popular welcome, immediately started a war against what was supposed to his own power-base in Somalia’s clan politics, just in the same manner his former late boss ran things from Mogadishu then, while trying very hard to unravel the gains of the 2nd Republic. The only difference is that Farmaajo had deceptively chased out even the Marehans to project an inital image that they too aren’t welcome in Villa Somalia.


Regardless of whether the recent Jubaland election was properly and legally conducted or not, the bigger issue was that the centralists were using Farmaajo in the same way they were using HSM then. It looks that Jubaland is another turning point, again, that Somalia resists the temptation to restore one city-state dictatorship. 


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THE ROAD TO DEMOCRACY THROUGH ONE CITY-STATE, DICTATORSHIP, WARLORD-ISM AND RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM IS ROUGH.

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Garowe, June 13, 2019

Transition to democracy from the evils of one city-state, dictatorship, warlordism and religious extremism is fraught with despair and many disappointments along the way on the rough road.

In Somalia’s case, the journey had caused untold massive sufferings and havoc on all lives, particularly the most vulnerable, women, children, the weak and advancedly aged. But, the saddest of all is the lack of recognition and remorse for wrong-doing in such massive scale as it had happened in Rwanda and South Africa to heal the nation.

What does that mean to would-be a nation-state like Somalia? This is where despair sets in as there is no accountability of gross human abuses of yesteryears, which in turn, means that there is no guarantee that it wouldn’t happen again. With no accountability and genuine national reconciliation, there is no basis for coming together again for common nation-wide objectives.

Somali political leaders never understood why it has become difficult to revive the Somali State – the problem is not Al-Shabab. The problem is two-fold:

1. Mogadishu War Economy

2. Public Mistrust

Both have their root causes not only in the civil war, but also in the imposition of pseudo-socialism mode of production and political orientation by Somalia’s Military Junta of 1969-1991, where the population was compelled to fight for meagre resources available in the black market as the authoritarian regime abused the national economy and made it a crime to own personal produce and fruits of one’s labour. These abuses had only to intensify during the civil war, and still raging in Mogadishu. Business community there is predatory and unreignable by neither public institutions, weak and fledgling transnational governments, nor by invitation of more AMISOM troops to Mogadishu. They are hardest nuts to crack.

Mistrust among Somali clans is quite obvious to all, but nobody minds to address it. The political situation and thinking in the country sees the need for national reconciliation as taboo subject not to talk about. Taugh love! Let me say frankly that until we find moral courage to address the legacy and mayhem of the Civil War, our political leaders would be moving in vicious circles. The weak centre and peripheral regional states would always be in loggerheads, and blame and counter-blame would go on for ever. The IC and Somali foreigner partners have also found comfort in making rounds along these spirals of fictious circles for over three decades now. Taugh love too!

Welcome to the real world and realities on the ground in Somalia.