ANOTHER LOOK AT SOMALI FEDERALISM

Garowe, May 14, 2023

By ISMAIL HAJI WARSAME

ON FEDERALISM

When political opponents say that Puntland State is the mother of federalism, people of Puntland think that they are being praised and recognized for the State’s tremendous sacrifices in men, material and minds in founding the 2nd Somali Republic, the current Federal Republic of Somalia (First Somali Republic existed from 1960-1991). In fact, what protagonists are saying here is that Puntland alone came up with unpractical federal concept that was not applicable nationwide. Sadly also, the history of who had spear-headed in salvaging Somalia from total disintegration and its disappearance from the world map, following the Civil War, had been hidden and buried in the same way that the history of self-government, sultanates and kingdoms that existed in Puntland regions long before European colonial powers came to Somalia, were buried to be never told in Somalia’s political and history narratives. We were made to believe that the history of the struggle of the people of Somalia to be free and own their state and government started from Derwish leader Sayid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan. That was how Siyad Barre was formulating Somali history for twenty-one years in power with iron fist.

Now, let us come back to our today’s theme: Federalism

Is Somalia’s federalism de facto or de jure? Was federalism a part of public debate in Somalia from 1960-1991? Other than the rise of SSDF as opposition movement against military regime and a small elements of intellectuals and former politicians from Digil&Mirifle before independence (inugu federaal fadnee?), was there any public awareness of desire for federalism? Was federalism imposed on Somali people by laws of government? Could someone do something to prevent it from happening at that time? Can anyone do something today to eliminate it from Somalia’s political discourse, body politic and laws of the land? What are the political consequences or the legacy of the Civil War? Isn’t the failure of the Somali State resulting in de facto “federalism” a part of Somali political narrative and outcome of the Civil War? Are the root causes of the Civil War still addressed? What guarantees in Somalia’s political and security situation today do we have to ensure that yesterday’s political blunders wouldn’t be repeated?

It is noteworthy to remind Somali people that

  1. Federalism and its variety of confederalism finds relevance in Somalia’s traditional clan society where most clans are more bonded by federation than by blood lineages. The infamous 4.5 clans are confederate clans. Most clans in Somalia are social constructs for strengthening them numerically for common protection. Nowadays, Somali Clan confederates are lately used for securing political edge in power-sharing rivalry.
  2. Still some shamelessly propagate that Somalia’s Federalism was derived or adopted from ethnic Ethiopian federalism. Knowing historical facts about national efforts of re-instating Somali State after its failure in January 1991, and having participated in most national reconciliation process, I confirm that Ethiopian involvement in the drafting of Somalia’s governance holds no water. Some Somalia’s constituencies were demanding federal system long before independence. It is a fallacy to interpret Somali federalism that way. It is just another anti-federalist tactics to unravel the modest gains of the Federal System and discredit its supporters. Unfortunately, many gullible Somali citizens bought this dangerous falsehood.
  3. Another misinformation is that Puntland State is part of Southern Somalia. That is the same as the notion that SSC is part of Somaliland now, given colonial history. Puntland State is located geographically in Northeast and parts of Northwest regions of Somalia and colonial borders had lost relevance after the Act of Union of 1960 forming the Somali Republic.
  4. Finally, Mogadishu and Hargheisa have same misleading policy on Puntland State: They propagate that Puntland is part of Southern Somalia and SCC is part of Somaliland. This is neither true nor acceptable to us.

The situation on the Somalia’s “Debt Relief” is worse than you think. Interest payments or “Debt Servicing” on Somalia’s Sovereign Debt is paid by the people of Somalia, including those in Puntland State. It is paid from portions of bilateral and international donations. The Central Government divides these donations into two portions, one going to debt Somalia’s servicing, and the other portion is further subdivided, small amounts of which are thrown to FMS in the same way you throw pieces of meat or fish at lunch table to the cats, and the bulk of it is burned in Mogadishu and used for non-stop international travels of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. People of Puntland are among those paying these big-ticket expenditures.

Make no mistake. “Fiscal Federalism” you hear about these days is being negotiated and conducted under these abnormal situation. Don’t expect any fair distribution of resources any time soon, if this course of action is maintained.

Legislations and institution-building are runaway power abuses and corruption. Best examples are recent laws of NISA, Petroleum, and Fishery, just to name a few. Who passes these laws in Federal Parliament, by the way? Yes, by the federal parliament representatives of Puntland State, among others, because if they don’t conform to the political dictations of Southern leaders, they wouldn’t be safe in Mogadishu. 

Now, tell me how Puntland State could work with Mogadishu Regime, which respects no agreements and laws of the land with total disregard to the governance system most Somalis agreed upon? This gives you an idea on what is happening between FGS and Puntland State.

 People say let us complete the Federal Constitution. More questions arise here:

 The question is whose constitution is it? 

  1. Is it a national constitution or a constitution of South Central Somalia? 
  2. Where does Somaliland stand here? 
  3. Are we talking about negotiations between South and North Somalia again, after a constitution for South Central Somalia is passed with potential Puntland State unwise consent?
  4. Where do Puntland’s SSC Regions stand here? 
  5. What about one and half region state in Central Somalia supposed to be an “Interim administration”, but now having the same rights and status as Puntland State? 
  6. What about other mini-states whose headquarters are located in or operating from Mogadishu, challenging Puntland State at Madasha Qaranka, and Mogadishu Regime is using them against Puntland State’s legitimate concerns? 
  7. In conclusion, would Puntland State past MOUs and agreements with the Central Government since 2009 need ratification by Puntland constitutional bodies?

I leave you with these questions to ponder.

 However, I warn you that the struggle between pros and cons of federalism will go on until one side wins the game. Keep fighting.

CONCLUSIONS

To reiterate, federalism is a de facto or force majeure that happened in Somalia following the vicious Civil War in the country. Puntland Vision from 1998 and TFG of Somalia Charter recognized this historical and socio-economic facts on the ground in Somalia.

Is the notion that federalism couldn’t function or isn’t feasible in Somalia holds truth? Could you improve this debate further to argue that this claim wasn’t consistent with historical facts and reality on the ground?

Since TFG of Somalia, the country had four presidential mandates: Sharif Ahmed, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (HSM) 1.0, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo and HSM 2.0? Tell me one of them, who had spent time making federalism work in Somalia? If you want to build a house, and do not move to realize the dream, would it be built by itself? These past and present Somali federal leaders were either undermining or trying to dismantle it. In other words, they were not converts of federalism. That is why opponents of federalism were quick to denounce federalism as incompatible for Somali culture and it couldn’t function well in Somalia. This is a fallacy. Federalism is a reality on the ground in Somalia. Puntland State is a living example that federalism does work in Somalia.

However, there is a vicious cycle in Federal Member States too. Federalism meant to decentralize authority or power to Elected District councils (remember federal government is three levels: FGS, FMS and District Councils).  This never happened before Puntland State. That is good news for federalism in Somalia.

But federalism has many forms. There are asymmetrical, confederal and other forms of federalism. However, it takes two to a tango (single person doesn’t play dhaanto by himself/herself). Whom to talk to on this issue, if Mogadishu governments aren’t ready or interested. They are also against democratization and will of the people. There is one political position of Somaliland Administration I used to admire in my past political experience: “Whom to talk to in Southern Somalia?” This situation still holds true to Mogadishu political situation. Are there political space and environment in Mogadishu today to talk about fiscal federalism, common security architecture and federal legislations in parliament not sensitive to the concerns of FMS?

A WORD OF PRAISE TO SOMALIA’S FORMER PRESIDENTS

October 18, 2019


They say, give the devil his dues. The former Somalia’s Presidents of the Federal Government, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, have become politically mature enough to keep engaged in Somali affairs, irrespective of their political ambitions to seek 2nd chance at the Federal Presidency. That is citizenship. They sought public service to a make a difference. They know they had left huge problems behind and figured out that they still could contribute to a better Somalia. The mere fact that they are still publicly engaged in to help resolve Somalia’s predicaments as active and enlightened citizens of Somalia is highly commendable. Compare them with Abdulqassin Salad Hassan and Ali Mahdi Mohamed. What do you say to that?


Also engaged and still  politically active is  former federal Prime Minister, Ali Mohamed Geedi. He deserves praise for still getting involved in fixing Somalia. Compare him with the two Abdiwelis, CCC and Saacid. Are they even comparable to him? I know they would say that they had had their term and they couldn’t meddle in other politician’s mandate. But, we all know that they are still politically as ambitious as Farmaajo and Khayre.


Former President of Puntland State, Senator Abdirahman Faroole, turned out to fare far better politically speaking, and in terms of good citizenship than the two Abdiwelis, CCC and Saacid combined. Would you argue?


In fact, one could argue that those politicians, who have turned out to be indifferent to Somalia’s plight and daily suffering and struggles of the citizens, after they were rewarded with the full trust of the masses in the highest offices of the land, were fake and selfish, in the first place. Do you agree? 

It is rather disappointing as it is surprising that even Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame is doing a much better job in Somalia’s politics than a bunch of our former prime ministers and state presidents.


Have your say.


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ON JUBALAND, NOW MADOOBE FORCEFULLY RE-INSTALLED 3RD TIME,  WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?

October 13, 2019


So, Ahmed Madoobe is proclaimed President of Jubaland for 3rd time, now three times consecutively, in exchange for the destruction of Jubaland natural environment and perinnial rainforest, turning the entire vinicity and Kismayo Port black with coal ashes; with extremists still occupying entire Jubaland, save Kismayo City, which still enjoys the administration of warlordism and one-man show, with the extra security threat this time around to Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity from Kenya at mercy of autistic-like political leader at the helm of the Federal Government of Somalia.


Was the whole purpose of Madoobe’s Inauguration involves in doing more harm to the causes of the residents of jubaland and Somalia under the incompetent, short-sided, selfish and vengeful leadership of Farmaajo-Khayre feeble and pity dictators? 


Where do we go now from here to try to fix this mess created by Farmaajo Team?


Read what the Ethiopian intellectuals and scholars are concluding on FGS, in their October 2019 CDRC DIGGEST Journal, Vol 4 No 4:


“This is similar to how the Islamic Courts Union dealt with their opponents to emerge as the sole power in Southern Somalia from 2005 until early 2007. Currently the SFG is facing a dual challenge: addressing the threats that Al-Shabaab poses on the one hand and asserting itself as the de facto and de jure government of the entire country and the federal member states on the other.


 It appears that the SFG has yet to show progress on both fronts. The assault it has waged on the FMS has created fault lines that Al-Shabaab is manipulating. The situation of the Sourhwest, Galmudug and Hir-Shebelle states and the strength that AlShabaab is showing indicate these fault lines. Puntland and Jubaland have survived the onslaught of the SFG and are reasserting themselves in their respective areas of control, although the SFG is trying to asphyxiate them, Jubaland in particular. But these confrontations will not help either the SFG or these contesting FMS, as resources spent on self-defense and attacks could have been used to strengthen each other against a common enemy”


Prime Minister Abyi Ahmed of Ethiopia has just won the Nobel Peace Price for job well done for the entire Region, while President Farmaajo is being accusing of dismembering his own country and allowing extremists to multiply and get bolder under his watch.


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ANOTHER TURNING POINT IN SOMALIA’S GOVERNANCE


October 11, 2019


Since the adoption of the Provisonal Charter of 2004, a political battle has been raging on between federalists and centralists. A turning point in that political war came to half-way win for the federalists in confronting then former FGS President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, who had eventually capitulated to the formation of Jubaland. That was a strong message to the centralists that the clock couldn’t be turned backed to the departing position of one city-state status.


President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and his team of Damul-Jadiid had no choice, but to rush up a centrally sponsored formation of Hirshabelle and re-invigrated Galmudugh, as there was a political panic among Hawiye, as they saw themselves being left behind as the rest of Somalia had embraced upon federalism.


The centralists, however, didn’t give up their political struggle to turn the tide of popular desire for decentralization, even after formation of federal member states of Southwest, Hirshabelle and Galmudugh. They had to think of another way to continue the fight against federalists. Since they assumed the Daroods were spearheading the new notion of federalism, they had to find a Darood leader willing to sacrifice his constituency, like Siyaad Barre, for the position of a nominal presidency in Somalia. They struck gold in President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo, a Mogadishu born politician of former military regime, whose italian nickname, Farmaajo (cheese), sounds sweet to the residents of Banadir.


Farmaajo, heavily promoted and advertised by centralists, once elected under limelight of popular welcome, immediately started a war against what was supposed to his own power-base in Somalia’s clan politics, just in the same manner his former late boss ran things from Mogadishu then, while trying very hard to unravel the gains of the 2nd Republic. The only difference is that Farmaajo had deceptively chased out even the Marehans to project an inital image that they too aren’t welcome in Villa Somalia.


Regardless of whether the recent Jubaland election was properly and legally conducted or not, the bigger issue was that the centralists were using Farmaajo in the same way they were using HSM then. It looks that Jubaland is another turning point, again, that Somalia resists the temptation to restore one city-state dictatorship. 


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PUNTLAND: ABSENCE OF COHERENT STATE POLICY


October 3, 2019


Could anybody pinpoint the policy objectives of Puntland Government on the way forward locally and nationally? If you can do, share these policy goals with us.


I don’t see a Policy Paper on what Puntland State is doing or intends to do for all its residents to know and work towards achieving these objectives involving socio-economic targets; formulating State policy towards the rogue policies of the Federal Government; General Election 2020/21; its relationships and coordination with other Federal Member States; working with international partners and organizations; security and stability of Puntland State, among other issues of vital importance.


Puntland State seems unable or reluctant to formulate adequately a coherent policy on her political differences with the Mogadishu Regime, thus creating a confusion in the minds of Puntland people as from whom they take the political lead in going forward with regards to Somali national and local affairs. It looks that the State is in permanent political limbo situation. This is isn’t acceptable as it is dangerous – citizens not knowing where their country is heading to, how to help the State and what to hope for.

 
President Said Abdullahi Deni and his administration officials should know that the status quo is no longer acceptable, and that Puntland couldn’t stay put to wait for something happening to her, instead of Puntland State leading something to happen and shaping its future and that of Somalia.


There should be a White Paper on Puntland’s political objectives and actions to back them up. This should come out upon studies and thoughtful deliberations to produce serious policy alternatives on pressing issues of the State and Somalia. There should be mass communication strategy to inform Puntland general public and that of the people of Somalia and international community. Get the confusion and dilemmas out of the way. Puntland shouldn’t be playing Proverbial Ostrich.

“Finally, it is highly recommendable to recall all Puntland representatives, members of Federal Parliament and the Senate to come home for urgent consultations as a first step to work out a new Puntland strategic policy”


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ARE YOU AWARE OF THIS FROM N&N GOVERNMENT?

N&N 2020 Election Strategy Roadmap. People will vote nationwide online? Are you kidding? Read their presentation at international forum.

GOING ROGUE AGAIN

October 2, 2019

Going rogue again to do more harm to the consolidation of a united 2nd Republic of Somalia.

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PRESIDENT FARMAAJO CLARIFIES HIS POSITION: WDM EDITORIAL


September 30, 2019


Now that President Farmaajo has clarified his position on Somalia-Kenya maritime dispute, and provided Somalia’s ICJ Court victory, it would be in the best interest of Kenya to accept such court verdict to earn the goodwill of Somalia for mutually beneficial future cooperation. Kenyans will benefit immensely from Somali oil and gas explorations in the Indian Ocean in many ways, including high employment of Kenyans and huge other economic benefits.


Somalia has the longest Indian Ocean and Red Sea coastlines, almost unutilyzed and unexploited. It makes no economic and sustainable security sense not to allow sharing this economic potential with the land-locked countries in Region, Ethiopia being the first to benefit. It is huge opportunity for Somalis to tap into the largest markets of Ethiopia in exchange for lasting peace, cooperation and friendship. 


Somalis just need to sort out their governance problems first to become one of the most prosperous and powerful nations in Africa. 


To achieve this objective, and as a starting point, let all Federal Members States thrive in peace and stability together with a Federal Government, respecting the laws of the land and working towards national reconciliation.


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WHO COULD BE SUPPORTERS OF N&N  ELECTION 2020/21 IN PUNTLAND?

September 29, 2019


If an election were held in Puntland today, whom do you think would vote in support of N&N?
It isn’t a wild guess work, but a predictable scenario based on keen observation on the mood, utterings and attitudes of sections of the Puntland population.

  1. Historically, there were portions of the population in the State, who are uncomfortable with the numerical superiority of the Majertain sub-clan groupings. These would vote N&N at expense of Puntland interest.
  2. There are young and politically naive social media fans, who know neither the history of Puntland struggle nor what N&N stands for.
  3. There are people, who fell victim to Dr. Ali Khalif Galayr’s type of hate speech directed at Puntland  State.

Consequently, all these groups are turning out to be anti-federalists and anti-self-government in their campaign to discredit the formation of federal member states in favor of a strong N&N led central government, even dictatorship from Mogadishu.

Historically, this political culture of hatred towards certain sections of Northeastern population had been cultivated and developed by the former military regime of Siyaad Barre. President Farmaajo is a product and student of that repressive regime. This is Farmaajo’s basis for purging Puntlanders from Federal Public Service, exactly in the same way Siyaad Barre did then. That is why Puntland students are being punished for belonging to the wrong Federal Member State. He isn’t learning from recent Somali political history. As he got chance and a shot at Somali politics, he didn’t know enough persons of Puntland origin. As TFG Prime Minister, he was compelled to tap someone seemingly from Northeastern Regions of Somalia. He placed his bet on Abdiweli Mohamed Ali (Gaas), his fellow resident of US Buffalo NY State, the only one person he knew from Majertain, and also Gaas was former resident of Dusa-Mareeb in Galgaduud Region of Central Somalia, where Farmaajo sub-clan family hails from. President Farmaajo now thinks that even Abdiweli Gaas had betrayed him as the former had lost the Somali Prime Ministership to the latter.


Given the situational analysis of Puntland, any administration in Puntland ought to study and pay attention to these societal contradictions, as it should address any real or perceived grivances harbored by certain sections of Puntland residents, including Somali IDPs.


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N&N POLITICAL ROADMAP DISCOVERED. Read this article for free.

September 26, 2019


Briefly explained, the “Political Roadmap” of Farmaajo-Khayre fledgling Federal Government (Federal by name only) consists of the following stages:

  1. Return to power 2020/21 by any means necessary;
  2. Dismantle and destruction of the Federal Member States in former Italian Somalia;
  3. Negotiations with former British Somaliland on a “New South-North Federalism”.

Somali observers believe that N&N Regime is already succeeding in the implementation of that bold Policy Roadmap with the elemination of resistance from Southwest State, Galmudugh and Hirshabelle, thus  the hard nuts to crack becoming Puntland and Jubaland. Jubaland is being tackled with right now, Puntland has been infiltrated at both civil society and political establishment levels. There are many people from Jubaland and Puntland states openly supporting N&N wild anti-federalist and destructive policies. These supporters constitute core supporters and base, who would prop up and follow N&N Government treasonous policies no matter what, acting in the same manners the hardened base supporters of US President Donald Trump.


Now that the N&N policy Roadmap is decoded, WDM readers, and Somali people as whole, could understand the strange behavior of President Farmaajo and Prime Minister towards Federal Member States. This is also the reason behind the purging of Puntlanders from Federal Public Service, and replacing them with personnel of Somaliland origin. 


The Administration of “Somaliland” is in complicit in the implementation of this N&N Policy Roadmap, though indirectly, in two ways:

  1. Support to Al-Shabab terrorist operations in Southern Somalia, thus denying security and stability in South-Central Somalia.
  2. Dismantle of Federal Member States

Have you ever heard the leaders of “Somaliland” condemning N&N destructive actions and abuses against Jubaland, Southwest, Galmudugh and Hirshabelle? Why, after all these are Somalis, whose human rights are being violated by regime supposed to protect them? Think about it.

Don’t be surprised if N&N Government cuts a deal with Kenya on the Maritime Dispute at expense of Jubaland to get rid of Jubaland resistance to N&N wild and adventurist Political Roadmap.

Stay tuned for more.


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ON THE ISSUE OF CONFEDERALISM

September 25, 2019

Warsame Digital Media WDM welcomes debate, interviews and comments. You don’t have to be necessarily a proponent or opponent of this governing concept of Confederalism – you may ask questions for clarification or submit comments as your way to contribute ideas to the on-going debate.

Have your say.

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UNDERSTAND N&N GOVERNMENT POLITICS AND POLICIES, DON’T BANDWAGON

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July 17, 2019

N&N Government supporters, could you answer these basic questions:

1. Have you ever heard of N&N Government speaking about or promoting the very law of the land, the Federal Constitution, upon which the three branches of government are based?

2. Under which Somali constitution President Farmaajo was elected in 2016?

3. What happens if the leaders of a state and government do not respect and adhere to the laws of the country?

4. Why does the Constitutional Upper Chamber of Somali Parliament has difficulties to function in Mogadishu? Who is holding it back and why?

5. What is happening to the Review of the Federal Constitution that being held hostage by N&N Government?

6. In your mind, how do you interpret President Farmaajo’s many statements declaring that he wanted to build a strong Central Government?

7. Would there be a strong democratic federal Somali government without strong people and viable federal member states?

8. And finally, why are they not promoting the Federalism System, the only system of governance that all warring clans of Somalia could agree to in 2004, following the Civil War?

By answering these basic questions, you would wise up to the meaning and objectives of N/N. In the end, you would be a supporter of either the idea of restoring a strong Mogadishu City-state, or a blind follower of a N&N bandwagon? If you are supporting N/N, but you aren’t either of the above, then you are a critical thinker and you will do well.

Alernatively, if you would prefer tyranny, dictatorship and suppression of your basic human rights, I wish you well.

In conclusion, I would give you heads-up about life and politics in Mogadishu:

Elders who had returned to Mogadishu to support N&N Government almost all have left Mogadishu for these reasons:

a) N&N Government is pursuing wrong-headed policies through unconstitutional means.

b) Hawiye political and financial elites don’t want a government at any level, let alone a functioning one. They think they are better off that way amid anarchy of stateless and predatory business enterprises.

c) Al-Shabab and other extremist entities couldn’t operate freely in Mogadishu without having support and protection from the masses there.

In this regard, a lot of youth express support for N&N Government, not knowing the danger of policies they are bandwagonning now.

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FOR STUDENTS OF SOMALI HISTORY

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July 16, 2019

Do you know the three phases of Somalia’s Military Government in the period of 1969 – 1991?

ANSWERS:

1. Military-Administrative Government. In this phase, Somalia had made significant progress that captured the attention of the people of Somalia and the world.

2. One-man rule Government, an absolute dictatorship. In this phase, things went wrong in Somalia, and turned to the worst.

3. Client Government. In this phase, Dictatorship gave way to the rule of corrupt elite created by the Regime and hailing from all clans of Somalia. This was the end of Somalia as we knew it, that led to the status of “failed State”

The last phase (3) is now reflected in the current Federal Government of Somalia and Federal Member States. If things go on course as they are now, what you expect for is obvious.

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N&N 2020 GENERAL ELECTION PLAYBOOK IS WELL UNDERWAY NOW

July 11, 2018
N&N Concept Note on Federal Election 2020 boils down to removing the carpet under the feet of leaders of the Federal Member States by-passing them to convey N&N message directly to the general public, especially to the youth. So far, the plan is working well.
The remaining hold-outs among the Heads of the Federal Member States are feeling the N&N political pressure now to either give in or get eliminated. The battle grounds are now shifting to Puntland and Jubaland. In the case of Puntland, there is still a political space for Puntland President Deni to maneuver as he was elected a half year ago for a 5-year Puntland mandate. Ahmed Madoobe of Jubaland is now fighting for survival. He is deeply entangled with vicious confrontation with leaders of N&N. How this would end up is everybody’s wild guess.
Prime Minister Khayre’s visit to Galmudugh and Northern Galkayo in an uncoordinated fashion with the local authorities tells volumes of information on how this political game will play out in the next few months and beyond. The plan has risk factors that could spark off renewable of the civil war. It is a daring political gamble. But, it seems to have the overwhelming support of youth in the country. And this is the very reason why N&N leaders are reluctant to approach politics as usual by ignoring community leaders, civil societies and local governments. These are to be undercut and undermined by talking to the people directly. That populalist political approach had made the election of Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo possible in 2016, to the surprise of those who regarded themselves political weights.
So far, no local politicians are equipped to deal with the N&N Concept on populalist agenda.This is how electioneering and political campaigns are conducted in democratic one-person one-vote elections. But, the Heads of Federal Member States are doing politics in the conventional Somali ways: clan politics. That is why they are losing battles one after the other. Puntland President Deni had underestimated Khayre’s recent visit to Galkayo by sending junior politicians to deal with the issue. The gathering yesterday in a North Galkayo stadium tells the rest of the story. But, the war has not been won or lost yet, and the final casualties are unpredictable.

FIRST VISIT TO PUNTLAND BY THE NEW UN SECRETARY-GENERAL REP TO SOMALIA, Mr JAMES SWAN, JULY 8, 2019

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ON JUBALAND

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July 7, 2019
There are major issues and minor ones in Jubaland political stand-off and confrontation between FGS and Ahmed Madoobe Administration.
Let us talk about minor issues first. Among them includes, but not limited to, that:
  1. There is a big difference between Ahmed Mohamed Islaam (Ahmed Madoobe) and Jubaland issues. This is where people err in debating and deliberating on Jubaland.
  2. People also ignore facts: There are many forms of Mr. Ahmed Madoobe. There is Madoobe of the Union of Islamic Courts with their mixture of Al-Shabab and other extremists.
  3. There is Madoobe of Ras Gambooni Brigade
  4. There is Madoobe as Ethiopian Prisoner and Ethiopia supporting Madoobe suddenly.
  5. There is Madoobe of the Free Parliament in Asmara, Eritrea, and there are other forms of Ahmed Madoobe.
As the Head of the Jubaland Administration, he had ignored and marginalized the residents of the Kismayo in favor of new comers that compose of , among others, residents of the Southwest State. Unfortunately, supporters of Ahmed Madoobe now in his confrontation with FGS are those denied of their residence rights, the Harti, upon his election last time.
Let us take up the major issues now, which are of more concern:
  1. Farmaajo-Khayre Administration is engaged in destabilizing Jubaland in its campaign to impose its will on Federal Member States in violation of the Federal Constitution, and thus, unravel the Federal Systen, paving the way to restoration of Central Unitary Authorities hailing from One City-state of Mogadishu by:
  2. Eliminating Ahmed Madoobe as an obstacle to the policies of current FGS leaders.
  3. Dislodging Kenyan Defence Forces KDF as part of AMISOM from Kismayo, whom they see them as defence and political shelter for Ahmed Madoobe.
  4. Paving the way for the establishment of new Jubaland Alliance and reversing the influx of Absame into Lower Jubaland Region
  5. All above measures boil down to FGS leaders’ attempt to seize power in Jubaland State as part of wider game plan to return the country to tyranny and highly centralized unitary government in Mogadishu.
Recommendations.
  1. Resist FGS unconstitutional interference in Jubaland, while not defending Ahmed Madoobe at all.
  2. Have credible and competent candidates for the forthcoming Jubaland Election.

PRESIDENT DENI’S DILEMMA AND PUNTLAND CONCERNS

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July 7, 2019
President Said Abdullahi Deni of Puntland was an outsider of Puntland politics. He is not well versed in the history of Puntland governance and its struggle during the Regime of Siyaad Barre. He is not deeply rooted in its vision for New Somalia. In ideology, he is hailing from religious groupping of Al-Islah orientation, whose members are International Muslim Brotherhood, the Salafists. By tradition, Somali religious sects aren’t well-known for paying much attention to modern statecraft beyond opposing secularism, while lacking any inclusive world outlook and experience in modern world interconnectivity. That is because politics and political power are off-limits to religious leaders in the Gulf States, Saudi Arabia, in particular. However, they are trained in getting involved in politics through religious Dawa in other countries outside the sources of Wahabi and other religious sects persuasions. Issues of secular government and any forms of governance, including federalism and division of power between states and regions etc is not included in their religious narratives or vision for national objectives.For them, it is a foreign concept and non-Islamic imitations or pretendence.
Being an outsider and involved lately in Federal politics, Mr.Deni happened to find himself as the State President of Puntland State. What made his situation even worse is the fact that he had inherited a mess left by his predecessor, Gaas, in Puntland, and therefore, had to climb up a stiff learning curve. Political dynamics are highly fluid in Somalia, waiting for no one to catch up. It is a quick-paced environment, expecting not only equally quick interventions, but also vision and planning as well.
Now, Puntland State, created out of a long struggle against One City-state domination, dictatorship repression and clan cleansing in a vicious civil war that many people may be right in arguing that it was genocide, has serious concerns about how things were developing politically lately in Somalia. People of Puntland are deeply troubled by the state of union of Somali affairs at moment, what has been happening to Somali National Accords of Federal Constitution, Federalism, Power -sharing, Resources- sharing, all the solemn declarations that Somalis had agreed to to end the civil war and revive the failed state of Somalia. There is a political dilemma and anxiety setting in the State. Puntlanders are seriously worried now for their own future and the gains of their long historical struggle against tyranny and backwardness.
Let us not only hope that the New Administration of Puntland is upto the job, but that we should also monitor performance and keep watchful eyes on the rapid political developments in Somalia.

SOMALIA: WONDERING GENERALITIES AND NO MEANINGFUL SPECIFICS

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July 7, 2019
EDITORIAL
Politics and policies are boring when there are no benchmarks, no priorities and no defined policy objectives to achieve. When government actions are attended aimlessly with no standards, no monitoring mechanisms and no performance evaluation, it would amount to wondering in the dark, boring and dull existence for those required to discharge public responsibilities.
To complete the process of re-instating the failed state of Somalia, both the Transitional Charter and Federal Provisional Constitution had clearly defined the benchmarks to achieve, among them, the review of the Federal Constitution, establishment of Constitutional Commissions and timeframes to realize these constitutional and policy objectives.
Instead, you have a static condition, political paralysis and artificial gridlocks that had turned everybody cynical and hopeless among the general public.
There are reasons for this happening. When a selected Leader, MPs and the Cabinet came through vote rigging, vote buying, influence peddling and all inherent corruption manipulations to be where they are today, their next most concerns are how to recuperate the financial losses (investment), and return on investment, getting ready for the next vote-buying projects at expiration of their stints.
If the general public is too ignorant, uninformed and had lost faith in themselves that they could make any difference in their unenviable existence, not to mention about their inabilities and lack of community awareness to come together for collective political actions, then it becomes remote to do much in societies like Somalia.
This is what is wrong in Somalia. How long will it take for this society to get informed to act together on common purposes? Long time, you bet. The Chinese saying, however, has it that a 1000 steps journey starts with the first step.
So, let us start stepping up.
@ismailwarsane

ANYBODY KNOWS SAMIRA GAID? KENYAN INTELLIGENCE INFILTRATING FGS?

Samira is in the news again, reportedly facilitating communication link-up between Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khayre and top Kenyan officials in a back-channel setup. This is an earlier WDM post on the same issue:

“Samira Kaid, who is Hassan Kheire’s special secretary, also takes home an immoral $12,000 from EU through UNPOS against existing donor and FGS regulations. Samira is engaged in unprofessional, unethical work practices that the prime minister either shamelessly condones or has his express approval. This means, since he sanctions or entertains unprofessionalism and unethical practices, the prime minister is himself unprofessional and unethical. One wonders what happened to his “islaxisaabtan” and anti-corruption tough talk?

Samira Kaid is confirmed to lack college degree. She reportedly used fake papers in her previous employments with AMISOM. Kheire hired her without due diligence and when the facts against Samira came out he ignored calls for him to address Samira fraudulent practice. Instead he irregularly rewards her with such a mind boggling tidy sum and other kickbacks.

Samira claims to have worked for Kenya’s State House presidential press unit as a communications specialist. She lamented her close relationships with someone that she resigned because she was viewed with suspicion, sidelined and discriminated against by her colleagues from other Kenyan communities because she was Somali. But others say she lasted there for only a few weeks because of fraud related with forged college papers.”

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SOMALIA: FEDERALISM MORTALLY WOUNDED, HAS PUNTLAND LOST BATTLE OR WAR?

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FEDERALISM IN SOMALIA AT CROSS-ROADS

When former Federal President, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, had the battle to block the formation of Jubaland Federal Member State in May 15, 2013, it was a turning positive point for proponents of the Federal system in Somalia. It was, however, clarion call to anti-federalist forces in Mogadishu political elites. For federalists, Jubaland victory made them complacent and got disarmed. For anti-federalist, it was a wake-call to change course and find out options to fight back. For them, two options were on the table:

1. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Co. had to accept reluctantly the reality on the ground and speed up the process of creating Hawiye federal member states in Central Somalia, Galmudugh and Hirshabelle, to counter the political weight of the established Darood federal member states in Puntlland and Jubaland, on the top of the NFD counties in Kenya and Somali Regional State in Ethiopia. There was panic in President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s political camp. They had to hurry up.

2. However, the other more effective faction of anti-federalist forces had to change tact by bringing in an electable non-Hawiye opponent of federalism. They put their bet on former prime minister of FGS, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo. They struck gold as Farmaajo surprisingly got elected FGS President in 2016 by heavily corrupt members of the Federal Parliament Lower Chamber, while ignoring the non-existent then Upper Chamber.

In turn, Farmaajo had to find a political novice to install him as his loyal prime minister. He had made an unconventional choice of picking up the most unexpected candidate in the eyes of Hiraab political elite and Mogadishu establishment, Hassan Ali Khayre, an outsider and an in-law from Farmaajo wife’s Murursade clan, a non-Hiraab minority Hawiye sub-clan, who would be loyal only to Farmaajo because of Khayre’s vulnerability due to lack of power-base in Mogadishu.

Now, the process of fighting back to undermine the Federal Constitution and unravel federalism had had to begin. The new anti-federalist policies got started with suppressing all promotions and press support for federalism; delaying the Review Process of the incomplete Federal Constitution, creating tension and conflicts in all Federal Member States, and commissioning an unprecedented worldwide social media campaign of Nabad & Nolool (N&N) to mislead and misinform Somali youth.

The success of FGS anti-Federal agenda, in the short period of only two years, is stunning with elimination of most Heads of Federal Member States that begun with removal of Abdullahi Osoble of Hirshabelle, and went on to eliminate Sharif Hassan Adan of Southwest State; Abdiweli Gaas of Puntland and recently Ahmed Du’aale Haaf of Galmudugh.

The challenges to overcome now are Said Abdullahi Deni of Puntlland State and Ahmed Mohamed Islaam (Ahmed Madoobe) of Jubaland. Both Heads of Regional states have certain vulnerabilities to exploit by Farmaajo anti-federalist team. Both didn’t come to power by popular choice. Both have unpredictable and unreliable members of local parliaments. Both avoid surrounding themselves with the states’ political heavy weights as advisors and consultants. Both have serious political rivals being bankrolled by the FGS leaders. FGS subversive campaigns to destabilize them politically is reportedly well under-way now. For President Deni, it is probably through the Puntland House of Representatives by means of impeachment and non-confidence vote to oust him. For Madoobe, they will probably try Sharif Hassan removal style: Buy him out. If that wouldn’t work, then, use Gaas removal style: support his political rivals with massive financial backing to get rid of him in the forthcoming Jubaland Election in August this year. They could succeed.

For the benefit of those, who do not understand the political dynamics of FGS in Mogadishu, misleading reports and misinformation coming from Somalia abound as to who is in charge in the FGS. Most say that it is Prime Minister Khayre’s one man-show and President Farmaajo is a by-stander.

Nothing further from the truth. According to informed and reliable sources. Khayre is the weakest of all past TFG/FGS Prime Minsters. That is because he has no strong power-base in Mogadishu. Nothing happens in FGS without Farmajo’s permission or knowledge. It is Farmajo, who is dictating Khayre. It is Farmajo, who is anti-Federal and anti-regional administrations. It is Farmajo, who is protecting Khayre. Khayre couldn’t survive a parliament motion against him if it weren’t Farmajo. The entire Hiraab constituency is up against Khayre. Khayre has more parliament MPs support from Darood than from Hawiye. This is Khayre’s strength as FGS Prime Minister because of Farmaajo. It is, actually, President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo, who is pushing hard for unitary central government in gross violation of the Federal Constitution, and, by the way, that is the main reason as to why the FGS doesn’t want to complete the Review of the Constitution to make easier for them to ignore or violate it while it is still in never-ending process. If Farmaajo would get elected in 2020, there would not be a federal constitution. Talk about nominal semi-autonomous regions and central government tyranny.

Their policy strategy is to destroy the Federal Member States, or install their puppet regional leaders in the meantime, hold sham general elections to return to power and establish a strong one city-state with rubber-stamp institutions.

Now, it is a clarion call to forces of Federalism to fight back as it is a wake-call to the residents of Puntland State to contemplate about their destiny in a new Somalia whose leaders are trying to restore One City-state rule.

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THE SOMALI DOCTRINE

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June 28, 2019
Never re-elect a political leader is a Somali Doctrine and our contribution to the world of politics and political culture. The Doctrine is an exercise of democracy stretched to the maximum possible. It is consistent with George Orwellian famous quote that diapers and political leaders should be changed.
However, the Somali phenomenon has double edges. On the one hand, it cements a message to the president-elect or would-be elected that he or she wouldn’t have a 2nd chance, giving them only to choose one of two options:
  1. Abuse the system while have the chance
  2. Do something worthwhile to leave behind a good reputation, a proud nation and good name for own kids and family.
The Doctrine, on the other hand, had brought misfortune to the people of Somalia by producing bad and corrupt politicians one after the other.
Based on history and experience, most Somali leaders choose the first option. Hence, Somalis have become cynical of politics and politicians.
The Somali Doctrine is deeply rooted in its logic that, where corruption is of epidemic proportion and checks and balance of power aren’t in place or difficult to implement because of this malfeasance, the only choice left for Somalis to fight back is to not never return a political leader to power.

The problem with Ahmed Madoobe of Jubaland is that he has stubbornly violated that Somali Doctrine.

Call it the ingenuity of the Somali Doctrine.

AN IMPORTANT INTERVIEW

Please hook up Minister Juxa

SOMALIA’S FEDERAL MEMBERS STATES ARE ALSO LITTLE MOGADISHU-LIKE CITY-STATES

Galkayo, May 28, 2019

The political narrative since the fall of Somali Government in 1991 has been focusing exclusively on blame and counter-blame of Mogadishu being the centre of all the problems of Somalia’s one city-state status. Now, we have created federal member states in regional capitals modeling exactly Mogadishu in their respective clan enclaves, doubling down and duplicating the same problems of Mogadishu all over again.

When we had been creating Puntland State in 1998, we had approved Garowe/Nugaal/Somalia as the capital city of the first federal regional state of Somalia, thinking that we had resolved finally the problems of Somalia’s one city-state legacy. We didn’t even bother enacting laws governing Garowe as a capital city publicly owned by the entire people of Puntland State and ran by the State. It was a historical oversight that led to a number of problems.

The first serious one came in 2001-2002 when Puntland had been experiencing existential constitutional crisis and violent power struggle between late President Abdullahi Yusuf and Jama Ali Jama. At time, every resident originally hailing from other parts of Puntland, had departed and fled Garowe in a hurry back to their respective towns to escape violence and armed confrontations. People from other regions of Puntland had lost business confidence and stopped building and owning properties in Garowe until very lately.

Another serious problem is the fact that Garowe have been become both the political and business centre for the entire Nugaal Region, economically suffocating other towns like Eyl, Buurtinle, Dangoroyo, and other important historical towns of Nugaal Region. Sin-u-Jiis, for instance.

Finally, came President Faroole, who had turned Puntland wholly into one city-state, just like Mogadishu City-state of Somalia.

There is still lingering public feeling of that legacy in Garowe – business confidence, though, is back on track. This is an example of a true life experience.

Other capital cities of federal member states, including Somaliland, are suffering from far worse problems than Puntland. Regional state capital cities of Federal Member States are all “little Mogadishu” in its worst scenario of 1991-1995 clan-cleasing in their sub-clan compositions statistically.

Don’t blame the “real Mogadishu” for copying and re-creating the same.

ismailwarsame.blog

N&N, FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND COMMON SENSE

Garowe, May 28, 2019

A wiseman man once said that he had found out common sense was not so common.

That is a profound understatement, given the fact that one always encounters some people, who do not want to engage in normal mode of operation and common expectations of people. Some, for selfish ends and others out of personal echo that they don’t behave within the realism of normal human behavior in addressing issues of common interest that require collective approach to problem solving in regard to societal concerns. Very interesting topic, indeed, that needs expert help here.

Regarding Somali national issues, what do you think that presidents Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo have in common?

Have you noticed that they are all anti-federalism, anti-constitution, anti-regional developments, and they are all proponents of one City-state solution for Somalia’s state-building problems. Have you ever heard them talking about or promoting the provisions of the Federal Constitution from any of these presidents? Have you ever seen or heard them talking about regional development projects or promotion of decentralization of the powers of central state to the regions? But, why? Did you ask yourself why they all wanted to restore stronger Mogadishu and highly centralized authority, repeating the same grave mistake that brought Somalia down in the first place?

Multiple explanations for the malaise of these men abound. Let us count some of these narratives here:

1. They naively and innocently believe that having highly centralized state would solve all Somalia’s current predicaments.

2. They are all students of dictatorship and bent on being new authoritarians after Siyad Barre.

3. They are still lagging behind the people and didn’t get yet the notion that Somalia would never be the same again – that decentralization is irreversibly a defacto development than a dejure, a result of the Civil War. That leads to point (4):

4. They don’t have common sense to take all of the above into account as people expect of them.

Now you guessed it. That is why each of these presidents had problems working with federal member states, themselves imperfect. Why not, if they don’t want to respect the Federal Constitution with clearly enshrined provisions to work together as this is a federal republic with devolved powers.

That is why common sense is not so common. True statement.

ismailwarsame.blog

Somalia, Foreign Aid and International Conspiracy – Official Ismail Warsame Blog

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Here is the article you have been searching for, in regards to what was happening to Somalia during the decades of Somali people’s slumber and sleep-walking. This story had also appeared in WardheerNews under the same author.

Take a read.

The story of Somalia’s tragedy is too complex to summarize in a few pages. What I learned though in the course of the past two decades is the fact that when a country breaks up in the way the Somali State failed, it is too hard, if not impossible, to reconstruct it and put it back together again. That is because such a failure creates thousands of well-paid jobs and other beneficial opportunities for a huge number of expatriates or international aid workers and foreign diplomats. It does not take rocket science to figure out that those international employees and their decision-makers would not be acting against their own self-interests in order to see Somalia back on its feet again with all their goodwill intentions and humanitarian intervention. There is no incentive for this to happen. This is the first and most serious obstacle Somalis have to deal with to get Somalia back on track. The second biggest problem is Somalis themselves in abysmally failing to put their acts together by understanding that they are in peril and fatal danger of losing not only their sovereignty, but also their country. This is the core of Somalia’s problem today.
Some, including these foreign expatriates and governments, would argue that the second problem is the crux of the issue as to why Somalis cannot have their country back. That is true too as long as our people do not take responsibilities for their own failure and always quick to blame others for their misfortune and misery they have created onto themselves. Listen with purpose to Somali group debates, the so-called Fadhi-Ku-Dirirka (lazy losers’ shouting clan/personal debates), in coffee and teashops and amateur Radio and TV panel discussions and ever multiplying clan fox-hole websites. You notice that nobody is talking about the big picture of “Somalia first” and putting any political differences or clannish self-interests aside at the moment to save the Nation as priority number one. After all what has been happening in Somalia for the last few decades, isn’t that a double tragedy? Some may conclude that Somalis are a punch of feuding clans that cannot agree to have a nation-state and therefore under such circumstances, two scenarios are plausible:
  1. Let neighbor states take over the country by dismembering it and dividing it among themselves.
  2. Allow foreign re-occupation of the country until Somalis are ready and fit to govern themselves.
We should never give a chance that to happen at any cost. At moment, fieriest diplomatic lobby, intrigues and direct military intervention under the disguise of flashing out Al-Shabbab, another menace resulting from our too long inaction in the vacuum, perhaps also as a punishment for our collective sins and betrayal of our country, are ongoing to opt for the first scenario. Painful as it is, this is the same country whose pilots were flying supersonic jet fighters and producing the best neuro-surgeons decades ago and famous for holding first free and fair democratic elections in Africa.
Following the Ogaden War of 1977-1978, and as fallout of the lost war with the proliferation of clan-based and violent armed opposition fronts, huge refugee camps had been created in various parts of Southern Somalia. In reality the Capital, Mogadishu, had been transformed to a big camp for refugees and internally displaced people, IDPs. With the influx of unlimited food aid from international donors at that time, residents ceased to buy food at markets all together as it is readily available to have anyway. Even households of Government officials had it delivered to their families. The result had been catastrophic with local produce wiped out and bringing farmers to refugee camps as well. The citizens of the whole country had been reduced to mere beggars of foreign handouts. What had happened next was that the law of jangle of the fittest was ushered in and whatever left of the Somali State was up for grabs and Somalia irreversibly became a country nobody owns, leave alone someone to defend it from the imminent collapse. As the regulatory bodies disappeared, unscrupulous traders broke all rules of decency and lost moral compass to sell anything and everything Somalis owned to the highest bidder. Somalia went nuts and out of control. To understand why the Somali Civil War could not be contained, particularly in Mogadishu, one should appreciate the nature of the conflict. First, it is a family feud which will last for centuries in many forms and levels. Secondly, it is economic conflict in which a few greedy business criminals do not want it stopped to prevent the establishment of regulatory bodies of a government at any cost to avoid paying taxes. Theirs is: Deny any administration, regional or central to setup the rules of the road for their trade. Chaos, killings and trade in expired food, medicine and export of everything Somalis owned and adored for centuries are the only acceptable norms for their businesses to thrive. Take note that it was not the warlords, Islamic Courts and even Al-Shabab that kept the conflict in Mogadishu running so long. It is the Mogadishu new business tycoons and merchants of death and destruction that made impossible to bring about law and order in Mogadishu.
International Conspiracy and Regional Power Play
As the Somali State finally collapsed with the disappearance of all public institutions without an exception in the height of the Civil War, Western donor countries under the framework of the international community devised economic and political plans for Somalia to fill in the power vacuum in the country. These plans are elaborate and act as a case study on neo-colonialism after the end of the Cold War. It would require volumes of books and extensive research to write on this particular subject.
In 1993 representatives of all countries interested in Somalia under the umbrella of OAU/IGAD/Partners with international Western humanitarian organizations gathered to discuss on how to handle Somalia. Ironically, the venue of this gathering was Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. To make a long story short, the participants resolved to set up the infamous “Somali Aid Coordinating Body, SACB (search for how limited this name is in the Google entries), The SACB, an Exclusive Club of Western humanitarian organizations, UN agencies, European Union agencies (EC) and international NGOs. The SACB devised the following two serious documents:
  1. WORKING WITH RESPONSIBLE SOMALI AUTHORITIES (implying here there is no authority in the country, amounting to merely working with clan leaders and local NGOs, possibly with Somaliland, Puntland State did not exist at that time).
  2. SACB CODE OF CONDUCT (their internal regulations dealing with Somalis).
By the creation of this unresponsive, unapproachable and invisible governing body for Somalia, The SACB, and Somalia’s sovereignty on land, air and sea had been effectively taken over. All humanitarian aid assistance, monetary or material from donor countries must be channeled through the agencies of the UN, European Union and INGOs, who have the sole discretion and authority to allocate aid distribution as they wish without any input by or accountability to Somalis. To this day no member country is allowed to unilaterally extend assistance to Somalia. An exception is Turkey which does not fit into this framework and whose recent unilateral assistance to Somalia sparked off competition to do something about Somalia to preempt China’s growing and expanding influence in Africa. The old SACB approach on Somalia continues to this day with different names like recent CMC (Coordination and Monitoring Committee setup to camouflage SACB as TFG appeared on the Somali political scene in 2004) with the same modus operandi. To call a spade a spade, SACB became the real Somali Government operating from luxury homes and executive suites in Nairobi while the report cards of the hundreds of its privileged expatriate employees show they are working inside war-torn Somalia on the most expensive life insurance coverage on earth for them and families. That is why we see signals and hear voices nowadays from individual Western countries that aid to Somalia would be channeled to “international agencies” and spelling that out once again after the election of the new Somali leaders in August this year. Perhaps the New Somali President knows better how to deal with them having worked with these agencies for a long time. An extensive network of local NGOs mostly ran and operated by one man/one woman with a bag and laptops have been established in every corner of the country. Most of these local agencies do not follow the rules of associations and societies to be accountable to Board of Directors, have secretaries of treasuries, constitution and mission to avoid duplication of same activities by others. Without their knowledge, many of these local NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations) are the sources of information gathering for the “International Somali Government” based in Nairobi. These NGOs sometimes come under different fancy names as Non-State Actors (NSAs), Civil Societies, Non-For-Profit Organizations, Stake-holders and so on with the intention to avoid helping the establishment of effective Somali Government and in that way perpetuate the power vacuum in the country to justify the role of SACAB to the donor community and their tax-payers.
Welcome to the era of neo-colonialism where Somalia is a rather blatant example of the “New World Order”. Or rather, the Somali case is a direct rule by foreign powers. This unmasked way of running Somalia exposes the extent of the depth of the problem in Third World countries today and shed light on Western political expectations from “Arab Spring” uprisings.
Every year, these international agencies compile what they call “Consolidated Humanitarian Aid Appeal For Somalia” amounting to hundreds of millions of dollars on behalf of Somalia. From various sources of their addressees, I had the unique privilege to see first hand and disturbed by the stunning Cover Letters enclosed with these “Humanitarian and Development Appeals. Cover letters addressed to foreign Western donors read and I quote:

“ON BEHALF OF THE SOMALI PEOPLE” and continue to this day ignoring any Somali political leadership, institution (even “Responsible Authorities”).

Equally important to note here that the European Union has been transformed to a collective body politic in the course of its existence in regards to its foreign aid to 3rd World countries (Developing Countries). To prevent unilateral aid by individual member countries to emerging markets and countries and avoid duplication of such assistance on shopping list by the leaders of developing countries, a document or an agreement called The Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness had been produced in February, 2005, effectively controlling who gets what and on what European terms are applicable to a specific country or block of countries. Since Somalia is not signatory to any accord after Lome’ (Togo) Convention of 1975-1989 on Trade and Aid between ACP (African, Caribbean and Pacific) and European Community countries, including Cotonou (Benin) Accord, its role and interests have been mandated and taken over by a small unit of individuals within European Commission Delegation to Kenya, called The Somali Unit, acting practically and effectively as the National Authorizing Officer (NAO) for Somalia, the very function a Somali Officer would have played if there were a government in Somalia.
Has anyone heard Italy, a longtime colonial power of Southern Somalia, producing a single initiative to help find solutions to Somalia’s predicament? Italy always claims in world forums on Somalia to have the exclusive rights of the Somali issues on the basis of being a former colonial power and legitimate authority to listen to and be respected with regards to Somalia while at the same has nothing to show for in deeds. Italy understood well that once her initiative on Somali peace and reconciliation fails, she will lose all credibility in the eyes of other powers and will be immediately out of the picture in Somalia. Italy’s strategy was reduced to sabotaging other powers’ help in resolving the Somali problem. Her political position has been quite detrimental to Somalia’s national interests and prolonged the agony of the Somali people.
How Other States Rate in the Somali Saga
On the Arab front, Somalia is predominantly suuni liberal religious society. Over many years, however, the Saudis have been engaged in extending religious scholarships to thousands of Somali youths to indoctrinate them in their Wabi version, undeniably responsible for the current religious uphill in the country. This has created religious crisis and conflicts within the community unrecorded before in the history of Somalia. People in Somalia now suffer crisis of identity with regards to their religion (even crisis of attire and clothing as strange foreign fashion of Afghani, Pakistani and Arab tribal origin are imposed on them).
Sheikhdoms in the Gulf were pouring fuel into the fire in Somalia by paying Zakka to the extremist groups on individual basis and through religious charities. Egypt, a country that has been boasting to have strong historical ties with Somalia, could not even provide safe passage within its territory to Somali refugees fleeing civil war. Yemen with its meager resources and its own severe tribal problems has been overwhelmed by Somali refugees, many whom had perished in the high seas of the Red Sea trying to reach its borders. In short the Arabs have been disappointing to Somalis in their time of need. Ironically, it is only them that can extend meaningful assistance without strings attached to any decent administration in Somalia, but that is only if the country has a government, which became difficult to achieve for decades.
Djibouti played more than its capacity with regards to the spoils of the Somali Sate by putting herself in the shoes of her Mother Somalia at League of Arab States. Since the fall of the Somali Central Government, it has been hosting a number of improvised Somali reconciliation meetings to enhance its role among other power players in the region.
Kenya is a country that got the most benefit out of the Somalia’s misery as the HQ of the “International Somali Government” (foreign diplomats and expatriate aid workers of the donor community with hundreds of millions of dollars ear-marked for Somalia spent in Nairobi alone). Speak about the huge capital flight from Somalia, remittances from Somali Diaspora and investment and entrepreneurial talents shaping up Kenya as the East African business hub, not to mention about a broken and desperate people trying to calm their nerves with plane loads of stimulant drug mira (khat), another curse in the Somali tragedy, from Nairobi in exchange for cold cash dollars.
With regards to Ethiopia, a major issue of Somali foreign policy, everybody seems have an opinion and knows better. Here I would limit myself by saying that Somalis are forgiving, but Ethiopia has to choose only one of these two options:
  1. Be a peaceful, friendly neighbor and regional ally by trying to help heal past wounds and reverse the historical burden between the two brotherly peoples. Ethiopia has to stop running Somali affairs from Addis Ababa and instruct its diplomats in foreign capitals to immediately cease their traditional diplomatic lobby to undermine Somali unity. It has to stop infiltrating into Somali society and bullying Somali leaders with its power plays.
  2. Be an enemy in the region the Somalis have to deal with and risk losing all chances of being trusted ever again.
Eritrea seems to be more sincere and sympathetic to Somali cause than Ethiopia, but its rivalry with Ethiopia via proxy war has been causing havoc to ordinary Somalis in Southern Somalia.
Nevertheless, it would be rather mean not to recognize that the above mentioned states and organizations have been doing something good as well that had saved lives, lessened pain and suffering among the general population.
In conclusion, Somalia will rise up again, hopefully in my lifetime and, when it does, we will be stronger than ever before to be a force of good to reckon with.

By Ismail Haji Warsame

E-Mail: ismailwarsame@gmail.com

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2013/01/06/somalia-foreign-aid-and-international-conspiracy/

WHY SOMALIA’S NEIGHBOR COUNTRIES FEEL UNCOMFORTABLE NOW?

Mogadishu, May 27, 2019

Observers and political analysts are searching for reasons to explain the noises SOMALIA’S neighbors are making these days with regards to their relationships with Somalia. Analysts are asking about as to why now supposedly friendly nations of Somalia turn savour and uncomfortable as Somalia starts to rise up again. Observers noted that these nation-states seemed supportive of SOMALIA’S peace and reconciliation efforts in the height of the Civil War, holding and hosting series of talks for Somali faction leaders in their respective capital cities over many years. What has happened now to irritate them?

The reasons for their unhappiness with Somalia now could be multiple. One overarching reason, though, could be that SOMALIA’S current situation beats their expectations of a country emerging from total devastation.

Whatever the reasons may be, here is my take on the issue in an article I authored sometime earlier. It is worth re-reading it.

Please take a read:

Central Authorities in Somalia finally lose its last stronghold of Mogadishu and collapse irreversibly in January 26, 1991. Mogadishu falls into the hands of General Caydiid and hotelier Cali Mahdi as leaders and militia commanders of exclusively Hawie-dominated USC-Ethiopia and USC-Mogadishu/Rome. Like any other city-state of the so-called “Third World” countries, Mogadishu becomes the “real Somalia” in the eyes of the international community, particularly for those involved in Somali issues. The diplomatic world deals with only those, who hold power in the Capital City. Somalia’s “International Partners” express awe and shock at image and exploits of savagery of Caydiid and Cali Mahdi. World press branded them the “Most Powerful Warlords” in Somalia. They continue to dominate the headlines of the international press on Somalia for nearly a decade. Hawie clan come out to be perceived as the biggest, and therefore, the most powerful force to reckon with in Somalia’s clan-dominated politics. Some non-Hawie sub-clans in deep-South-Central Somalia joined the Caydiid-Cali Mahdi bang-wagon to become “second-rated” Hawie clan members. Gosha or Jarer-Weyn or Bantu Somalis opt to call themselves “Kamasle Hawie” (The big-nosed Hawies). Other Somali clans become minor stake-holders or irrelevant in the new Somalia’s high-stakes clan power joking and rivalry. With the connivance and blessing of Caydiid and Cali Mahdi, a tolerable leeway of acceptance, as secondary stake-holders, is accorded to Issak sub-clans in the North-West as Hawie’s incentive for “Anti-Darood alliance”. Darood was deemed “irrelevant minority and descendents of Arab immigrants.” The Marehans of post-Barre Somalia nearly lost self-confidence as part of Darood clan system, as Hawies come into prominence for the first time. The creation of Jubba Valley Alliance with Cayr sub-clan of Haber-Gedir is one of the symptoms of Marehan’s clan-politics schizophrenia in the illusion of new Somalia’s reality in Mogadishu.
As opportunistic and dishonest politicians deceive the people of North-West Regions of Somalia with their imagination of fantasy and fear-mongering of Southern domination, the people of the South-Central have been equally misled into accepting an inferiority-complex on the falsehoods of suffering from centuries of Majertinian slavery. The biggest problem facing any Somali politician hailing from Hargeisa and Mogadishu now is how to un-program or undo the false and dangerous indoctrination of their own clan power-bases. Any rational and acceptable politician in Hargheisa and Mogadishu now fights against this “Been Fakatay (an accepted lie), as the Somalis say. In the case of Mogadishu, these historical falsehoods are the main reasons for holding the entire country hostage and render it stateless for two decades, not understanding that by maintaining the status quo, Somalia, slowly, but surely, is dis-integrating. Some in Hargeisa see such a scenario in Somalia as the best opportunity for Somaliland’s Gooni-usu-Taag (secession) campaign.
As the dust of clan-cleansing finally settled in the North-West Regions (Somaliland), President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, taking over from Abdirahman Tour, faces new challenges of local clan politics. The powerful alliance of Gar-Xajis effectively hinders the leadership and mandate of his new administration in Hargheisa. He takes bold steps to bring them “down to their knees”, according to the contents of a personal letter he sent to his Haber-Awal business community in Djibouti at the time, to claim and boast off victory (I loaned the only copy of that letter to the Former Vice-President of Puntland State, Mohamed Abdi Hashi, and couldn’t get it back from him; he wants to keep it to satisfy his anti-Issak bias on the top of Majertainne bashing). Amid the chaos and anarchy in South and South-Central Somalia, Somaliland unilaterally embraces secession in wishful thinking that it can survive alone after the disintegration of the Somali Republic. They ignore even the recent history of Hargheisa and Zeyla almost got lost as part of the “Haud” and once Somalia disappears, “Somaliland” will be the easiest land and sea-outlet assets to be claimed fast and swallowed irretrievably (Recall Ras Makonen-Haile-Selesse insistence in British-Abyssinian negotiations on Hargheisa and Zeyla being part of the Haud under Ethiopian sovereignty in the 1880s). Perhaps, some in Hargeisa want this to happen rather than to entertain themselves with the annoying music of Somali-weyn, and in this way, offer their children’s children the opportunity (or condemnation) to struggle for freedom once again. Tragically, the Somaliland’s attempt to secede from Somalia stifles, if not eliminate, its world-famous heritage of inventiveness in literature (hal-abuur suugaaneed). This can thrive again within the fold of Somalia with the freedom of people’s imagination again in a wider competitive market for renaissance and renewal of arts and poetry among their brethren. Sadly, the current political atmosphere of Somaliland’s “Gooni-usu-Taag (secession/independence) produces no more Hadraawis and Gaariyes. The opportunity for supply and demand is negligible there. It is “Dawladda Qolka iyo barsadda” (“one bedroom State), as Somalis popularly describe Somaliland, in terms of geographical size and business opportunities.
The Ogadens are torn apart between ONLF, Ethiopian occupation, and Kenyan political marginalisation, amid their disarray, following the disintegration of MOD (Marehan-Ogaden-Dhulbahante) Coalition Government, while the Majertaines suffer from Siyad Barre’s ” Kacaan-diid” (anti-revolutionary) and “power-hungry bunch” profiling syndrome. Many suffer from paranoia, as a result, regarding debate on leadership in any field of human endeavour, where-ever they have to deal and interact with other Somali clan members, and habitually, they opt for low-profile and let go existence in Somalia and within the Diaspora. Fortunately, the Late President of Somalia, Abdullahi Yusuf, proves every one wrong and leads the way to re-kindle their imagination on possibilities and potentialities. Hence, you see the types of Caddes, Farooles, and Abdiwelis, running for office.
In Somalia’s neighbourhood, Djibouti attempts to replace Somalia in international arena, keen to seize all it can chew and swallow from the spoils of the Somali State, after suffering for a long time from the shadows of “Big Brother” Somalia (Siyad Barre’s towering image, in particular), and its junior membership of the Arab League. On the other hand, Ethiopia and Kenya see new opportunities for the scramble of the Somalia, and a good chance to deal with the “The problem Child of Africa,” effectively this time.
In the “Restore Hope”, President Bush’s (Sr) campaign, the international community collectively tries to re-instate Somalia only once. They couldn’t. They, thus, finally decide to leave it to its own device, as they found out that every body there is “he is own Sultan” and cannot be re-civilized as “they are still tribal savages” as Richard Burton described in his First Footsteps in East Africa over two hundred years ago.
The world community, however, faces a new problem: Somalia becomes a danger not only to itself alone, but to international peace and security as defined by the UN. The international community eventually decides to manage the country disintegration peacefully by containing its threat of terrorism within its borders. Powerful nations use proxies to remote control this troublesome and difficult people in the Horn of Africa. To-day, I don’t think any keen observer of Somalia’s tragedy can fail to identify the elaborate levels and multitude of “security, developmental and humanitarian projects” put in place to insure the country’s quiet disappearance from the geo-political map
By ismail H. Warsame”

Briefers, Delegates Stress Vital Need to Restore Governmental Cooperation, Deny Al-Shabaab Space, as Security Council Takes Up Situation in Somalia

SC/13821
22 MAY 2019

Permanent Representative Faults Arms Embargo for Limiting Security Forces while Giving Extremist Group Comparative Advantage

The tasks of restoring cooperation between Somalia’s two tiers of government and denying Al-Shabaab the space to prepare and launch its attacks are vital for the country’s progress, senior officials told the Security Council today.

The Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General for the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) was among three experts briefing the 15-member Council, which had before it the latest report of the Secretary-General on Somalia (document S/2019/393). He recalled the crisis that faced Somalia at the beginning of 2019, noting the mortar attack on the United Nations compound on 1 January and the political crisis resulting from the expulsion of Nicholas Haysom, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, on the same day. “We are certainly in a better place than we were at the beginning of the year,” he said, adding that mandate implementation is back on track, particularly in preparing for the 2020 elections, the constitutional review, building police capacity and contributing to the planning for ongoing security operations.

Despite the many challenges, he continued, Somalia remains on a positive trajectory, including in the economic and security sectors. For instance, biometric registration of all Somali National Army soldiers ensures that their salaries are disbursed directly into their bank accounts, he said, explaining that this helps to fight corruption. He said the Federal Government has launched military operations in the Lower Shabelle region to reverse the recent increase in the number of Al-Shabaab attacks, which remain a serious challenge. He emphasized the importance of Parliament moving ahead on bills that are “absolutely essential” for the political road map to stay on track.

Also briefing was the Special Representative of the Chairperson for Somalia and Head of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), who reported that progress on the dialogue between the Federal Government and the federal member states is increasing. In addition, the Somali National Army has retaken some of Al-Shabaab’s strongholds, but the group remains a potent threat with the ability to recruit troops and collect funding. AMISOM, however, is registering progress in implementing the transition plan endorsed by the African Union Peace and Security Commission and the Security Council, he said, adding that it has already handed over responsibility to Somali security forces in Mogadishu Stadium, and completed a drawdown of 1,000 troops, with a view to making its final exit guided by its partners.

A third briefer, the Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator, said that Somalia’s humanitarian situation remains among the most protracted in the world. The Humanitarian Response Plan for 2019 identified 4.2 million Somalis, one third of the total population, in need of life-saving assistance. Expressing concern over the impact of the ongoing drought and the situation of internally displaced persons, she said acute food insecurity has risen by 10 per cent since February and more than 2.6 million people remain internally displaced. Civilians, who have borne the brunt of ongoing armed conflict and violence, remain exposed to targeted and indiscriminate attacks, she said, underlining that Somalia must develop sufficient capacity to protect civilians.

In the ensuing discussion, Council members stressed the need to provide coordinated support for building up the capacity of Somalia’s security forces. South Africa’s representative called for ongoing implementation of a comprehensive approach to security, with joint planning by AMISOM, the Federal Government, UNSOM, UNSOS and international partners. It is imperative that the Federal Government and the federal member states resolve their differences through sustained and inclusive dialogue, he added.

The representative of the United States encouraged Somalia to engage with the Panel of Experts servicing the Sanctions Committee concerning Somalia, emphasizing that his country will not support lifting sanctions without Somalia’s full participation with the Panel.

Somalia’s representative expressed his condolences for today’s attacks in Mogadishu, saying his country is more determined than ever to combat “the menace of faceless, borderless international terrorism”. However, Somalia cannot implement the transition plan effectively “with one hand tied to our back” due to the long-standing arms embargo, he said. He expressed regret that decisions made at United Nations Headquarters continue to have a negative impact on the capabilities of Somalia’s security forces, thereby giving Al-Shabaab a comparative advantage.

On the political front, he said Somalia has demonstrated that its lawmakers can debate contentious issues in a pragmatic manner. This month alone, the Government succeeded in getting petroleum industry legislation through the lower house of Parliament, and the Cabinet approved a new draft election law, reflecting the Government’s commitment to inclusive politics as well as the promotion of human rights. He went on to stress the urgent need to address the humanitarian situation and to invest in long-term solutions leading to sustainable development.

Also speaking today were representatives of the United Kingdom, China, Côte d’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Kuwait, France, Peru, Poland, Dominican Republic, Belgium, Russian Federation, Germany and Indonesia.

The meeting began at 3:07 p.m. and ended at 5:34 p.m.

Briefing

RAISEDON ZENENGA, Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General for the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM), spoke by video-teleconference from Mogadishu, saying that the Mission began the new year facing a security crisis arising from the mortar attack on the United Nations compound on 1 January and a political crisis resulting from the expulsion of Special Representative Nicholas Haysom on the same day. “The two incidents severely disrupted the Mission’s engagement with the Federal Government of Somalia,” he said, noting that the incidents also left the Mission’s staff deeply demoralized. UNSOM immediately prioritized the safety and security of its staff and, together with the United Nations Support Office in Somalia (UNSOS) and the United Nations country team, took measures to provide secure accommodation and a more secure working space for staff. A lasting solution to the threat will only come from denying Al-Shabaab the space and opportunities to prepare and launch attacks, he said, adding that the United Nations and international partners are working together to enable Somali forces to dominate mortar-launching areas.

“We are certainly in a better place than we were at the beginning of the year,” he continued, pointing out that mandate implementation is back on track, particularly in preparing for the 2020 elections, the constitutional review process, building police capacity, and contributing to the planning for ongoing security operations. Despite the many challenges, Somalia remains on a positive trajectory, including in the economic and security sectors, he reported. For instance, biometric registration of all Somali National Army soldiers was completed on 3 March and all 16,000 registered soldiers are now receiving their salaries directly into their bank accounts. “This has cut out middle men, reduced corruption and ensures regular payment of salaries.” The Federal Government has also launched military operations in Lower Shabelle region to reverse the recent increase in Al-Shabaab attacks. In an unprecedented development, he reported, current military operations have catalysed joint planning and systematic generation of capable, accountable, acceptable and affordable Somali Army units.

Technical preparations for universal suffrage elections in 2010 are also making progress, he continued. The Federal Cabinet has approved the draft Political Parties Bill and the Electoral Bill and submitted them to Parliament, he said, emphasizing that their adoption is absolutely essential to keeping the political road map on track. Concerning progress on human rights, he said federal authorities have completed investigations into the killing of civilians during last December’s elections. This week, the Federal Parliament also ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The disputed electoral processes in Galmudug and Jubaland, scheduled for July and August, have become a source of concern, he said. “As was the case in South West State last year, the risk of violence is very high,” he warned, urging federal and regional authorities to draw lessons from South West State and to avoid violence when managing disputes. He went on to express concern over deteriorating relations between Somalia and Kenya arising from their maritime boundary dispute. “It has implications for Somalia’s State-building and peacebuilding efforts,” he said.

FRANCISCO CAETANO JOSE MADEIRA, Special Representative of the Chairperson for Somalia and Head of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), said that Somalia today witnesses encouraging signs of political engagement, adding that the country’s entire political class recently met in Puntland. Dialogue between the Federal Government and the federal member states is increasing and Somalia, with AMISOM’s support, is making progress in other areas, including constitutional review and electoral reform. A draft electoral law has been submitted to Parliament with a view to final adoption in the coming months, he said, adding that progress has also been made on voter registration towards the successful holding of elections.

AMISOM’s new mandate covers delivery of a support package, including training of trainers, to enhance national capacity for electoral security, he continued, welcoming the appointment of an official in charge of a federal electoral security taskforce. Al-Shabaab remains a threat, but the Somali National Army has retaken some of their strongholds, with AMISOM’s support, he said. In one town, 90 per cent of the population have already returned home and quick-impact projects are being delivered. The town’s recovery represents the overall success of AMISON and its partners, he said, expressing hope that more areas will be liberated from the extremist group.

He cautioned, however, that Al-Shabaab remains a potent threat with the ability to recruit troops and collect funding. It is also important to remain vigilant over the presence of ISIL, which might be exploiting the shift of Al-Shabaab’s geographical focus. AMISOM is registering progress in implementing the transition plan endorsed by the African Union Peace and Security Commission and the Security Council, he said, adding that it has already handed over responsibility to Somali security forces in Mogadishu Stadium, and completed a drawdown of 1,000 troops, with a view to a final exit guided by the Peace and Security Commission and the Security Council. AMISOM has already completed reconfigurations in three sectors and will do the same for the remaining sectors in the coming months, he said, requesting that the Council consider maintaining AMISOM’s current troop level before moving on to the second phase of the transition plan.

URSULA MUELLER, Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator, said that Somalia’s humanitarian situation remains among the most protracted in the world. The Humanitarian Response Plan for 2019 identified 4.2 million Somalis, one third of the total population, in need of life-saving assistance and protection. This marked a decline in needs from 2017, when famine was averted, raising hope that resilience activities led by the Government and development partners could make further gains. However, current humanitarian indicators across the country are indicating a deterioration, she said.

There are three areas of concern, she said, citing the impact of the ongoing drought, the situation of internally displaced persons and protection. At this point in the season, any rainfall will be too little and too late to reverse the drought’s impact. Indeed, acute food insecurity has gone up by 10 per cent since February, she said, noting that the repetitive nature of climatic shocks is a stark reminder that Somalia is becoming increasingly vulnerable to the effects of climate change. With more than 2.6 million internally displaced persons, Somalia ranks fourth in the world, she said, adding that displacement continues to be driven by ongoing armed conflict, climate shocks and the search for livelihood opportunities.

Somali civilians have borne the brunt of ongoing armed conflict and violence, she said, noting that they are exposed to targeted attacks and indiscriminate attacks. It is essential that Somalia develop sufficient capacity to protect civilians, she stressed, emphasizing that responding to the worsening humanitarian situation with life-saving interventions and protection remains a priority focus. However, progress in State-building and security, as well as greater investment in development, are essential to lifting Somalia out of humanitarian need, she stressed.

Statements

KAREN PIERCE (United Kingdom) said that restoring cooperation with the United Nations and the international community is critical, noting that “Somalia needs the guidance and technical capability”. Applauding the bravery of AMISOM and the efforts of the African Union, she said all partners must work coherently together to achieve success. The next 12 months will be critical to progress on political reform, she said, emphasizing that the political agreements between the Federal Government and the federal member states, particularly on constitutional review, are essential. Turning to the humanitarian situation, she said early-warning indications seen are in some ways worse than those from two years ago.

TANANA JOHANNES MPANYANE (South Africa) emphasized the need for sustained and coordinated international support to build up the capacity of Somalia’s security forces. He called for ongoing implementation of a comprehensive approach to security, with joint planning by AMISOM, the Federal Government, UNSOM, UNSOS and international partners, among others. Stressing the imperative of sustained and inclusive dialogue for the Federal Government and federal member states to resolve their differences, he said there is also need to resolve the current stalemate between the two houses of the Federal Parliament. He applauded UNSOM’s assistance to the Somali authorities in promoting the participation of women and young people in State-building and peacebuilding, and urged the international community to support the Somali 2019 Humanitarian Response Plan.

JONATHAN COHEN (United States) strongly condemned recent attacks by Al‑Shabaab while noting the progress under way through political and constitutional reform efforts. The transfer of security responsibility from the African Union to Somali national forces is essential, he said, adding that, to that end, all parties must coordinate closely to avoid security gaps that can be exploited by nefarious actors. He urged coordination between various United Nations offices to ensure peace during the upcoming elections period. On the arms embargo, he encouraged Somalia to engage with the Sanctions Committee’s Panel of Experts, emphasizing that the United States will not support lifting sanctions without Somalia’s full participation with the Panel of Experts. The ongoing humanitarian crisis facing millions of Somalis is particularly concerning, he said, pledging that the United States will continue to provide support and assistance.

YAO SHAOJUN (China) said the overall situation in Somalia remains complex and called upon the Security Council and the international community to provide better support and assistance. “We should fully respect and maintain Somalia’s national ownership of its domestic affairs,” he added. Strengthening coordination and communications with the Federal Government is critical, as is supporting efforts of the African Union to help in the maintenance of peace and security in Somalia. The country still faces threats from Al‑Shabaab, and the international community should provide stable and predictable financial support to enable Somalia to fight the group. The international community must also remain focused on increasing humanitarian assistance to Somalia, he said, adding that all international partners must honour their commitments and provide assistance to the country.

GBOLIÉ DÉSIRÉ WULFRAN IPO (Cote d’Ivoire) welcomed the positive movement of the Federal Government and the federal member states towards reconciliation as well as the economic growth achieved thanks to various measures, including expansion of the tax base. Concerning security, he said Al-Shabaab continues to pose a threat and condemned the group’s attacks. Emphasizing the need to promote human rights since civilians are increasingly becoming victims of atrocities, he also warned against violence and sexual abuse of children. Welcoming the Prime Minister’s pledge to improve the human rights situation, he urged Member States to heed the Secretary-General’s call to address the needs of 4.2 million people in Somalia for 2019.

JUAN MBOMIO NDONG MANGUE (Equatorial Guinea) welcomed the progress made by the Federal Government and the federal member states, while also expressing concern that two chambers of Parliament stopped cooperating. Urging international and regional organizations, including the United Nations and the European Union, to support major programmes initiated by the Federal Government, he also called for more prominent participation by women in politics and other fields. He also welcomed the efforts of Somalia and Kenya to normalize relations, and applauded UNSOM for providing strategic support for Somalia and AMISOM on peacebuilding and State-building in the areas of governance, security-sector reform, and constitutional review.

NAWAF A. S. A. ALAHMAD (Kuwait) expressed concern that one third of Somalia’s population requires assistance, recalling that the Council expressed support for the country last month by extending AMISOM’s mandate. Applauding the significant progress made by the Federal Government, he also welcomed the accelerated implementation of the transition plan and the establishment of a legal framework for elections. Emphasizing that Al-Shabaab remains the main threat to Somalia’s national security, he condemned the extremist group’s recent attacks targeting the United Nations compound. Such incidents demonstrate the need to ensure AMISOM’s effectiveness and for the State to regain its overall control. This is particularly important in terms of implementing political agreements, he said, stressing that the international community has a responsibility to help Somalis rebuild a State.

SAMER MELKI (France) expressed concern over the delay in implementing the transition plan and in reintegrating regional forces. Emphasizing the essential need for constructive dialogue between the Federal Government and the federal member states, he said that when there is political will, real progress is possible. For the security transition to succeed, AMISOM must continue its reconfiguration in support of the transition plan, he said, adding that the Mission’s work in the south of Mogadishu is an example of what good cooperation means to the transition plan. The idea is not to withdraw troops from particularly sensitive areas but from areas that have been secured, he added. He went on to stress that the European Union cannot continue to finance the bonuses paid to AMISOM soldiers by itself. He also asked the briefers about the prospects for integrating the transition plan into the national security architecture, and whether the African Union has any intention to seek funding from new donors to finance AMISOM.

GUSTAVO MEZA-CUADRA (Peru) said his delegation expects that reforms will be implemented, including in the areas of security and justice. Applauding economic growth and praising the Government’s financial management, he nevertheless pointed out that the majority of the people still lack basic services. Only through cooperation and reconciliation can Somalia respond to challenges, he said, stressing the necessity of active participation by women in the country’s political, social and economic life. Noting with concern Al-Shabaab’s increased use of explosive devices, he expressed support for the joint review team’s proposal to keep AMISON’s troop strength at the current level, bearing in mind the humanitarian consequences of not doing so.

JOANNA WRONECKA (Poland) said the growing number of Al-Shabaab attacks and the increased presence of Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL/Da’esh) in Somalia are deeply worrying. Poland is also concerned about the stalemate between the Federal Government and the federal member states, she said, noting that it puts the gains made to date at risk and threatens crucial reforms. She called upon all political actors to engage in constructive dialogue, with foreign and regional actors extending impartial support for national reconciliation. Expressing concern about reports of human rights violations not only by Al-Shabaab but also by Government and regional forces as well as clan militia, she called for tougher policies to prevent the recruitment of child soldiers.

Ms. MORRISON (Dominican Republic), noting the stalemate between the Federal Government and the federal member states, said progress on this front is vital for national reconciliation. Welcoming the draft electoral law, she said women’s participation must be one of its key objectives, and at least 30 per cent of seats in the 2020 elections should go to women. Noting that Somalia’s youth unemployment rate is among the world’s highest, she expressed concern that young people are at risk of being recruited by extremist groups and joining piracy groups. She also called for the release of children involved in armed conflict and for granting them amnesty.

MARC PECSTEEN DE BUYTSWERVE (Belgium) took note of positive developments, including the meeting of federal and regional leaders earlier this month. Noting that his own country is governed under a federal system, he stressed the importance of strong relations between the Federal Government and the federal member states. He went on to emphasize the need for efforts to raise international support, especially bilateral cooperation programmes, to move in the same direction.

DMITRY A. POLYANSKIY (Russian Federation) noted with concern Al-Shabaab’s infiltration of cities using explosives they produced themselves, such as those used in the recent attack in Nairobi, saying they pose a threat to the region. Countering it is a top priority, he added. Concerning the national security architecture, he said the gradual transition of security responsibility should take place in accordance with the existing plan and developments on the ground. AMISOM’s reconfiguration should go hand-in-hand with Somali reforms. He went on to emphasize that, with elections set for 2020, it is unwise to carry out an abrupt troop reduction. Transformation of the Horn of Africa countries and the establishment of good neighbourliness will only be possible if Somalia’s sovereignty is respected, he emphasized, warning against foreign intervention. Any new Special Representative should be guided by this principle, he added.

CHRISTOPH HEUSGEN (Germany) said federalism can work where there is a strong federal Government and strong federal states. It is unfortunate that their first meeting seeking reconciliation did not yield the expected results, he said. Regarding the protection of women and children as well as sexual violence in conflict, he said the Government must strengthen the legal framework to prosecute perpetrators. The impact of the drought and the number of people in need of assistance are striking, he said, stressing that the impact of climate change must be one of the considerations when devising future mandates.

DIAN TRIANSYAH DJANI (Indonesia), Council President for May, spoke in his national capacity, saying that the international community’s continued and proactive engagement is essential for peace and stability in Somalia. Welcoming the commitment of the Federal Government and the United Nations to strengthen cooperation, he said their relationship must always be guided by the fundamental principles of sovereignty, national ownership and mutual response. He went on to describe the strengthening of UNSOM’s mandate in support of the upcoming elections as a step in the right direction, especially in light of the political impasse between the Federal Government and the federal member states threatening progress in key political and security sectors. Noting that Al-Shabaab is carrying out almost daily attacks in Mogadishu, he said it is high time to effectively cut that group from the sources of its weapons and financing. Given the situation, AMISOM’s continued presence and its need for predictable and sustainable funding cannot be overstated, he emphasized. He went on to express concern that the 2019 Somalia Humanitarian Response Plan is critically under-funded. “The international community clearly has no magic wand to resolve the Somali situation, but it could — and obviously should — do more to alleviate humanitarian suffering,” he said, urging all parties to respect international humanitarian law and remove all impediments to the delivery of relief supplies.

ABUKAR DAHIR OSMAN (Somalia) expressed his condolences for today’s attacks in Mogadishu, saying his country is more determined than ever to combat “the menace of faceless, borderless international terrorism”. In two years, Somalia has witnessed transformational progress and thanks to strong political will, is on track to fulfilling key benchmarks that it set for itself. Among positive developments are a record level of tax revenues and the biometric registration of public security officers, he said, adding that timely salary payments are a way to combat corruption. While significant gains have been made against Al‑Shabaab in the past eight weeks, including the retaking of the strategic towns of Sabiid and Bariire, the group remains a threat, he said. However, Somalia cannot effectively implement its transition plan “with one hand tied to our back” due to the long-standing arms embargo, he said, expressing regret that decisions made at United Nations Headquarters continue to have a negative impact on the capabilities of his country’s security forces, giving Al-Shabaab a comparative advantage.

Turning to the political front, he said Somalia has demonstrated that its lawmakers can debate contentious and sensitive issues in a pragmatic and mature manner. This month alone, the Government succeeded in getting petroleum industry legislation through the lower house of Parliament, he said, noting that the law includes a revenue-sharing formula agreed with the federal member states. Meanwhile, the Cabinet has approved a new draft election law, reflecting the Government’s commitment to inclusive politics, as well as the promotion of human rights. Emphasizing that investing in youth is the most effective way to rebuild the nation and counter the ideology of violent extremist groups, he encouraged United Nations agencies to train and recruit more locally. He went on to stress that the humanitarian situation must be addressed urgently, alongside investment in long-term solutions leading to sustainable development. “By taking a comprehensive, prevention-oriented focus, we can together strengthen the nexus between humanitarian and development assistance,” he said.

Mr. MADEIRA, Head of AMISOM, said it is essential to support the Somali national security forces, adding that the Government’s presence allows it to “win hearts and minds”. As for implementation of the transition plan, he said the transitional drawdown should be gradual in order to ensure that gains are not lost. AMISOM will be guided by the evolving situation and stands ready to support developments on the ground, he added.

Mr. ZENENGA, Deputy Head of UNSOM, cautioned that as long as there is no restoration of cooperation between the federal member states and Federal Government leaders, it will be difficult to schedule a meeting between them. Going forward, the international community must focus on key priorities that will ensure progress, he emphasized, adding: “This is what we call the must-not-fail priorities.” The restoration of cooperation between the two tiers of government and passage of the electoral law are also vital.

For information media. Not an official record.