Dead men neither talk nor defend themselves. So is the Late President of Somalia to respond to the contents of the article.
To set the record straight, President Abdullahi Yusuf had sour political and diplomatic relations with the leaders of Ethiopia, especially with Foreign Minister, Ato Seyoum Mesfin, since 2000-2008.There were a number of issues they didn’t see eye to eye, among them, Arta Somali National Conference of 2000 in Djibouti and Puntland destabilization instigated by Ismail Omar Guelph and Abdulqassim Government. Minister Mesfin wasn’t then happy with the election of TFG President, Abdullahi Yusuf. Mesfin utilized his policy disagreements with Late Yusuf to turn the rest of Ethiopian leadership against President Abdullahi Yusuf.
Despite animosity between the two men, proponents of Ethiopian Foreign policy on Somalia believed that a leader hailing from Darood clan couldn’t do much in the way of pacifying Hawiye sub-clan system in Mogadishu. Recall CRDP DIGEST Article on Hassan Sheikh Mohamud re-election campaign with full Ethiopian support. They were very disappointed to see President Farmaajo elected overwhelmingly in Mogadishu.
Ethiopian subversion against Abdullahi Yusuf had reached a point of no return. They had mobilized IGAD, which is iself synonimous to Ethiopian foreign policy arm, soliciting for support of USA and European Union in isolating and finally compelling Abdullahi Yusuf to resign. Abdullahi Yusuf decided to resign honorably instead, on his own terms.
The author of the article, Mr. President: End the Wild Goose Chase Abdirashid Hashi, published in, should be tempted to explain the behaviors of and activities by Ethiopian military and diplomatic officers in Mogadishu to undermine the President and TFG that led finally to the expulsion of Ethiopian Ambassador, Ato Shawal, and Col. Gabre from Mogadishu then by Abdullahi Yusuf. These Ethiopian personnel of the occupation forces in Mogadishu weren’t only corrupt, but also they cut a devil’s deal with all elements of Mogadishu destabilization, including anti-Government merchants and sympathizers of Al-Shabab. That Ethiopian policy ended up making divisions withing TFG leadership, TFP, Prime Minister Nur Cadde and Deputy-Prime Minister Ahmed Abdisalam.
European Union diplomats with the help of Ethiopian influence turned around USA diplomats in convincing talking to the so-called “Islamist Moderates” of the Union of Islamic Courts against its “hardliners”. Enter Sheikh Sharif.
Like Ethiopia, the USA Government and its diplomatic Corp never understood Somalia beyond hearing Somalia had territorial disputes with its neighborhood. If history was of any guide, USA would prefer the policy option of Somalia swallowed by Ethiopia as its hegemon client state in the Horn of Africa.This Ethiopian foreign policy failure and humiliating military defeat in the hands of Al-Shabab militants led to the removal of the entire Ethiopian Policy Team and Military Command on Somalia. Foreign Minister Mesfin, the 2nd in Command of TPLF after Melez Zenawi, and his advisor, Dr. Tekade Allemu, were posted as Ethiopian Ambassadors to China and UN Representative respectively. The remnants of the occupation forces were compelled to retreat from Somalia. They were withrown not because of their own wishes, but because of the military reversals they suffered in Mogadishu.Current Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abyi Ahmed, was a member of that territorial expanist regime, in-charge of Ethiopian security sector.Read Hashi’s Article here.

Author: Warsame Digital Media WDM

About the blogger: This blog is associated with the former Chief of Staff in Puntland State Presidency, 1998-2005. He also worked with the UN and World Bank Joint Secretariat for Somalia’s Re-construction and Development Program (RDP), 2005-2006, as a Zonal Technical Coordinator for Puntland and later as National Aid Technical Coordinator with the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia and European Union. He is now an independent political analyst and commentator on current issues and occasionally gives historical perspective on modern Somalia’s politics. He lives and works in Toronto, Canada. He can be reached at:

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