PUNTLAND STATE OF SOMALIA- PRESS STATEMENT

Translated from Somali by WDM Desk


Garowe, Puntland — Date: 4 August 2026
The Puntland Government condemns the outgoing Federal Government of Somalia for deploying troops and weapons into areas under Puntland’s administration. Today, 4 August 2026, the Federal Government offloaded additional weapons in Galkacyo city — specifically on the Galmudug side — intending to move them into the Puntland side, but was blocked by the security forces and residents of the Galmudug administration. This led to a confrontation that caused casualties.
The Puntland Government commends the Galmudug administration, its forces, and its public for preventing the insecurity being driven by the Federal Government in Mudug region, and for stopping weapons and troops from being moved through the area in a way that would endanger the security of Puntland’s territories.
Puntland and Galmudug share good neighborliness, social coexistence, and long-standing administrative cooperation. Safeguarding security and overall stability across both administrations’ areas is a shared responsibility of both sides.
The Puntland Government wishes to inform the Somali people and the international community that the former President of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, is stoking conflict in Mudug region — particularly in Galkacyo city — where the people and the sister governments of Puntland and Galmudug have coexisted peacefully. Any insecurity resulting from this action is therefore the responsibility of the President whose term has expired.
Finally, the Puntland Government calls on the people of Puntland to remain vigilant against the security interference being carried out by the Federal Government in Puntland’s territories, and to stand united against anything that could harm Puntland’s statehood, security, and stability.
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Office of Communications, Presidency of Puntland State (DPL)

Galkacyo Is Not Calmiskaad — But That Isn’t the Point


By A M Yusuf (Educator and socio-political analyst based in London, UK)


Former Somali Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke’s recent statement on X — “Galkacyo is not Calmiskaad” — is technically correct but politically misleading. The line was posted as a warning against Puntland “waging a war of aggression against fellow Puntland Forces,” a reference to the standoff between Puntland’s government and the Puntland Security Force (PSF) militia. By invoking Calmiskaad in the same breath, Sharmarke implies a false equivalence: that confronting an unlawful armed faction is comparable to confronting terrorists, and that neither deserves the state’s resolve.
No one disputes that Galkacyo is not Calmiskaad. But the comparison obscures what Puntland actually achieved there. The Calmiskaad (Cal-Miskaad) mountains became the entrenched stronghold of ISIS-Somalia under Abdulkadir Mumin, and since Operation Hilaac began in late 2024, Puntland’s Counter-Terrorism Forces — with US and UAE support — have fought a costly, multi-phase campaign to clear it, at real cost in soldiers’ lives. That campaign has protected not just Puntland but Gulf of Aden shipping lanes and regional stability more broadly, often with little tangible backing from Mogadishu.
The PSF dispute is a different matter, and conflating it with Calmiskaad only muddies the picture. Puntland’s presidency has declared the PSF outside its official command structure — a legacy of the 2021 Bosaso clashes that were only defused through elder-led mediation. A state cannot indefinitely tolerate an armed faction operating outside its chain of command; the alternative is a fragmented security architecture that serves no one. Two further threads are tangled into the same moment but are not the same dispute: Puntland’s objection to the federal government’s appointment of Gen. Jimale Takar as commander of the 54th Division, and Puntland’s separate warning to Galmudug against allowing troop and weapons movements through its territory toward Puntland-administered areas. Treating all three — PSF, the federal appointment, and Galmudug — as a single undifferentiated “war of aggression” collapses distinct issues into one and casts the party asserting lawful authority as the aggressor.
There is a history worth recalling here. Sharmarke served as Prime Minister under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s first administration (December 2014–March 2017), the period when Puntland and Galmudug forces clashed repeatedly over Galkacyo — a city long divided between Puntland- and Galmudug-administered zones. Many in Puntland believed Mogadishu treated that crisis as a political opportunity rather than a matter requiring impartial mediation. That memory shapes how his intervention now reads: less a neutral call for restraint, more a continuation of old alignments. It brings to mind the Somali proverb “Fiqi tolkii kama janno tago” — a cleric does not abandon his own even at heaven’s gate.
The broader concern in Puntland and Jubbaland is that President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is working to bring the federal member states under more centrally compliant leadership, as many perceive has already happened in South West State and Hirshabelle, with similar ambitions suspected toward Galmudug. Whether or not that reading is entirely fair, it is widely held — and it is why politicians from Puntland or Jubbaland seen as aiding efforts to erode their states’ constitutional authority may find favor in Mogadishu in the short term, but risk lasting damage to their standing at home.

The Letter That Shook Addis Ababa: SSDF, Betrayal, and the Shadow War Against Abdullahi Yusuf

Editor’s Note:  This narrative provides a firsthand account of the political betrayal and internal collapse of the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF) while operating under Ethiopian protection in 1985. The author, a former secretariat director, details how he drafted a warning letter regarding a conspiracy to assassinate leader Abdullahi Yusuf, which ultimately served as a catalyst for Yusuf’s arrest by the Derg regime. Through descriptions of espionage activities and document forgery at a state press, the source illustrates how Ethiopia manipulated Somali rebel factions to serve its own imperial interests. The text highlights the inherent dangers of liberation movements relying on foreign powers, as the quest for autonomy turned allies into prisoners. Ultimately, these events are framed as a foundational lesson in the cynical nature of regional geopolitics, which deeply influenced Yusuf’s future approach to governance.

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 October 19, 2025 

WARSAME DIGITAL MEDIA (WDM)
Critical Analysis, History, and Political Commentary

By Ismail H. Warsame

The Day Suspicion Became Survival

It was one of those mornings in Addis Ababa in early 1985 when the SSDF Secretariat Office felt unusually tense. The war against tyranny was being waged not only in the field but also in the corridors of intrigue. Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, the Chairman of the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF), and his close associate Abdullahi Mohamed Hassan — known in the Front as Abdullahi Faash, who died in Derg jail presumably under torture— walked into the Secretariat office where I worked as director. Their faces betrayed a mixture of defiance and dread.

They asked me to draft a letter. It was to be addressed to the Ethiopian External Research Department, the counter-intelligence branch of the Ministry of Public Security then liaising with the SSDF. The contents were explosive: evidence of a conspiracy to assassinate Abdullahi Yusuf. The plot, they claimed, involved none other than an Ethiopian intelligence officer, the late Ahmed Mohamed Silaanyo, then Chairman of the Somali National Movement (SNM), and Amina Ahmed Warsame Nur Godane, the wife of SSDF Executive Secretary Abdirahman Aydeed Dhadhable.

That letter would later become a piece of political dynamite — a prelude to Abdullahi Yusuf’s arrest by Mengistu’s Derg regime.

The Anatomy of a Conspiracy

At the time, relations between Abdullahi Yusuf and the Derg government were deteriorating rapidly. Once the favored ally of Addis Ababa, Yusuf had become an irritant — a Somali nationalist who refused to bend entirely to Ethiopian manipulation. The Derg wanted obedience; Yusuf demanded sovereignty.

The alleged assassination plot was not merely about eliminating a man. It was about dismantling a movement. The SSDF represented the first organized Somali resistance against the dictatorship of Siad Barre, but it operated within Ethiopia — a state with its own imperial ambitions over Somali territories. The Derg’s counter-intelligence machinery was notorious for playing double games: nurturing Somali rebels on one hand, neutralizing their leaders on the other.

By bringing in figures like Silaanyo — then leading SNM — and exploiting internal SSDF fissures through figures such as Fadumo Nur Godane, Ethiopia’s intelligence apparatus seemed to be orchestrating a divide, discredit, and destroy campaign.

The Drafting of the Letter

I wrote the letter as requested, my pen trembling over the typewriter keys. It was to be signed by Abdullahi Yusuf himself. The letter outlined the conspiracy, the names involved, and the imminent threat to his life.

When I personally delivered it to the Ministry of Public Security, an officer — with the cold curiosity of a spy — asked me, “What is in this letter?”

I simply replied: “I don’t know.”

In truth, I knew every word of it. But in a city where truth could be fatal, ignorance was the only shield.

That single statement may have saved my life.

The Press, the Proofs, and the Peril

Outside political intrigue, my other duty was more mundane — proofreading Midnimo, SSDF’s quarterly magazine published in English. This was done at Burhan Selam Press, the largest print house in Ethiopia. It was a delicate task, but even the world of printing was not immune to espionage.

One day, as I worked on the English-language proofs, Ethiopian technicians asked me to examine official Somali documents — driver’s licenses, postal stamps, and auto circulation permits. They appeared to be “studying” these documents, but it soon became evident that they were engaged in forging Somali government documents — reproducing official seals and designs for intelligence purposes.

That was when I realized the abyss I was standing over: I was in a room where the machinery of forgery and deception operated under the guise of “printing.” Shortly thereafter, I was quietly told never to enter that room again.

They feared I had seen too much.

I left that building with the haunting awareness that even paper could be a weapon — a tool of political warfare and infiltration.

The Aftermath: Arrest and Silence

Not long after that letter reached the Ministry, Abdullahi Yusuf was arrested by the Derg regime. The very government that once sheltered him turned against him. The conspiracy he warned about may have accelerated his downfall, or perhaps it was used as a convenient pretext to silence him.

The Derg had no patience for Somali independence of mind, even among its supposed allies. SSDF was tolerated only as long as it served Ethiopian interests. The moment Abdullahi Yusuf asserted autonomy, he became expendable.

His arrest sent shockwaves across SSDF ranks and across the world. The Front fractured; trust evaporated. The movement that once symbolized Somali unity against dictatorship was now consumed by internal suspicion and Ethiopian manipulation.

The Lesson in Betrayal

That episode was more than an assassination attempt — it was a defining lesson in political betrayal under foreign shadow. Ethiopia’s involvement with Somali resistance movements was never altruistic; it was always transactional, driven by its own national calculus.

The tragedy of SSDF lies not just in external manipulation but in how easily Somali movements allowed themselves to become arenas for foreign games.

Abdullahi Yusuf survived the assassination plot and the Derg’s prison — but the scars of that era marked him for life. When he later returned to lead Puntland and eventually Somalia, he did so with a hardened realism born from betrayal and captivity.

WDM Verdict

The assassination attempt against Abdullahi Yusuf was real — not in the cinematic sense of bullets and bombs, but in the political sense of premeditated elimination through intrigue, isolation, and imprisonment.

It revealed the true nature of the SSDF–Ethiopia relationship: one of convenience, control, and calculated betrayal. It exposed how revolutionary movements, when hosted by foreign powers, inevitably become hostages to foreign agendas.

And it showed that in the shadow politics of the Horn of Africa, truth is never safe — even in a letter.

Warsame Digital Media (WDM) — speaking truth to power, documenting history without fear or favour.