CALULA WAA MAGAALO GUUN AH

Calula (Alula) waxay ahayd Xaruntii labaad, Muqdisha ka dib, ee maamulkii gumaystaha Talyaaniga ee Somalia. Waxay leedahay gago dayuuradeed oo far cad oo waaweyn “AULULA” (CALULA) ku dul qorantahay, meel fogna adoo dayuurada saaran arkaysid. Dhanka waqooyi galbeed ee Calula waxaa ka mutuxan buurta BooliMoog. Dhismayaasha Calula waa kuwo ka gadisan kuwa Somalia, marka laga reebo kuwii Talyaanigu ka dhisteen. Waa dhismo Carbeedyo taariikh hore kasoo jeeda. Kuwa halkaa Talyaanigu ka dhisay oo waaweyn, waxaad isleedahay ma “Kaniisadaa?” Qaargood weli waxaa dusha ka saaran qalabkii ilaala Badda Cas ee Ciidamada badmaaxyada faashiistigii Benito Mussolini. Isbitaalka Calula waxaa loogu magac daray Regina Margareta (Boqoradii Margareta) ee Talyaaniga. Weli waxaa isbitaalka ka muuqda sariirihi iyo quraaradihii daawadii 1930-kii la sameeyey.
Dadka Calula ku nool waxay wax la qabaan kuwa Reer Bariga kale, marka laga hadlayo canshuur-nacaybka, sidaa awgeedna, dawlad-diidnimada. Samankii dawladihii hore, askariga canshuur-qaade ah ee Gobolka Bari loo diraa, wuxuu Muqdisha kusoo laabanjirey isagoo maalqabeen ah, siduu laaluus halkaa uga guranayey.

Waxay ahayd bartamihii 2006 markii Xafiiska Qaramada Midowday (UN) ee Nairobi ii ogalaatay in aan aniga iyo koox ila shaqaysa safar cilmi-baaris ku tagno magaalooyinka Iskushuban, Xaafuun iyo Calula. Wafti dawlad Soomaaliyeed oo Calula tagaa waxay ahayd marsoobax, iskaba illow mid Puntland ka socda.

General Mohamud Muuse Xirsi (General Cadde), oo ahaa Madaxweynaha Puntland, ayaa iga codsaday in uu fursada duulimaadkayga “Bariga Fog” ka faa’iideysto. Ogalaansho UN ka dib, waxan qaaday General Cadde, Wasiirkii Warfaafinta, Abdirahman Bankax, iyo Wasiirkii Amuuraha Gudaha iyo Amniga, Ahmed Abdi Xaabsade.

Guddoomiyahii Degmada Calula wuxuu nagu sooryeeye hilib ari, meeshii aan ka sugeynay kaluun iyo khayraadka kale ee Badda Cas- waa ka qawadnay qadadaa. Ruun Dooxajoog oo ka mid ahayd gabdhihii na martigeliyey, ayaa tiri, “war bal iska aamusa. Marka keli ah oo aan hilib xoolaad cunnaa waa markaan dabaaldageyno sida maantoo kale”.

Taa kahor, anagoo dulheehaabayna Iskushuban, ayaan Madaxweyne Cadde Muuse ka codsaday in uusan ruqsayn Wasiirkii Qorshaynta iyo Xiriirka Caalamiga Puntland, Abdirhaman Mohamed Mohamud Faroole, mar haduu ahaa wasiirka u qaabilsan dhanka Puntland xiriirka hay’adaha dawliga ah sida UN, oo anigu aan Wakiil uga ahaa dhanka daraasaynta baahida dib-u-dhiska Puntland, mar haday dhisantay dawladda Soomaaliyeed ee TFG. Faroole markaa waxaa loo haystaa qulqulatooyin dad ku dhinteen ee ka dhacday dhismaha Golaha Wakiillada Puntland. Cadde, wuxu iigu jawaabay, “Faroole basarxumo ayuu sameeyey”. Soo jeedintayda hawada kore ee Iskushuban ka dhacday, gacan uguma siin wasiirrada Bankax iyo Xaabsade. Faroole iyo Xaabsade saaxibna wey ahaayeen, isku doon siyaasadeed markaa wey wada saaraayeen.

Markaan Bosaso kusoo laabtay, ayaan Faroole oo Garowe jooga soo wacay, oo u sheegay in aan Cadde agtiisa waxba u oolin. Faroole waxaa dhaqan u ah, markuu dib kala kulmo dalka, in uu Australia gabaad ka dhigto – markaa ayuu Puntland halhalel uga dhoofay, isagoo aan weli wasaaraddii laga qaadin, xilna wareejin. Kornayl Abdi Salad ayaa badalay Faroole.

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Waxaad noo sheegtaa nooca federaalka ay soomaaliya qaadatay

Su’aasha kor ku xusan ayaa lasoo weydiyey Warsame Digital Media WDM. Waa tan jawaabtu:

Dawladda Federaalku waxay ka koobantahay sadex heer:

Dawladda Dhexe
Dawladaha Xubnaha ka ah tan Dhexe
Dawlado deegaanno oo hoos yimaada dawladaha xubnaha ka ah tan dheexe. Waxay leeyihiin golayaal deegaan, meesha kuwa kale leeyihiin sadexta qaybood ee dawlad heerkooda (dhexe, gobolleed, deegaan). Dawlad-gobolleedyo waxay u yihiin dawlad dhexe dawladaha deegaannada. Dawlad-gobolleedyadu iyana waa in ay xukunka sii baahiyaan ila heer tuulo-deegaan. Deegaannadu waa ay yeeshaan la haansho talo iyo mashaariic waxqabad iyo hurumarineed.
Awoodda Dawladdu waa u kala qaybsantahay madaxweynaha iyo Golaha Wasiirrada. Waaxa kaloo kala qaybsan awooddaha sadexta qaybood ee dawladda. Madaxweynu waa madaxxa jamhuuriyedda, mana laha awood ka baxsan dastuurka. Wasiir koowaad waa afhayeenka Golaha wasiirrada iyo guddoomiyaha fadhiyadda golaha. Wasiirka koowaad ma laha awood ka baxsan golaha. Madaxweynuhu ma marooqsankaro awood aan dastuurku u ogalayn.
Waxaa jira xukun baahis iyo wadaag khayraadka dalka, oo laga kabo dhanka dhaqaalaha, dawladaha xubnaha aan isku filayn. Sidaa waxa meesha ka baxaya ku tagrilfal awoodda dawladnimo iyo dib u dhac gobollada qaarkood.
Awooddaha sida loo kala leeyahay Dastuurka Federaalka ayey ku qorantahay, wuxuuna hadda dastuurka qabyo-qoraalku u baahanyahay dhamaystir iyo in loo qaado afti dadweyne.
Waxaa dhacaya doorashooyin guud.
Sidaa awgeed, nidaamka federaalku waxaa lagu tilmaama heerkii ugu toolmoona ee dimoqraatiyada.

Fiiro Gaar ah:

Haddii dawladda dheexe shaqayn weydo, ama burburto, dawladaha kale ayaa shaqaynaya. Ma dhacayso 1991 dhambe.

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UNDERSTAND WHY TURKEY AND QATAR ARE ANTI-FEDERALISTS.

UNDERSTAND WHY TURKEY AND QATAR ARE ANTI-FEDERALISTS

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THE NEW SUEZ CANAL OF THE HORN OF AFRICA

Cape guardafui, also known as Ras Asayr (Casayr), at intersections of the Red Sea and Indian Ocean is a natural Suez Canal of the Horn of Africa. It is located within the territorial waters of Puntland/Somalia. More than a half of the international shipping pass by. In the old days before the advance in navigation technology, there was a permanent light house erected at Cape to guide the huge number of commercial ships passing through. Italian Colonial Administrations in Somalia collected fees from international liners crossing at the Cape. It would have been prohibitively too expensive for shipping world sailing to India and Far East to go around the Cape. Basically, the Cape connects the world in a way Suez Canal of Egypt couldn’t.

During the initial years of Puntland establishment, the late Vice President of Puntland, Mohamed Abdi Hashi, and I had decided to explore the possibility of developing the Cape into a tourist resort, providing recreational facilities, service bankers for fresh water, sunshine, fuel and luxury hotels for international travelers on tourist cruise ships. We had persuaded a Swiss expert to study our project proposal and to visit the Cape. He reported to us about the potential of the area for tourist attraction and benefits it offers to international commercial liners. We gave him the permission to go ahead and lobby for the project. Swiss government officials were impressed to consider encouraging Swiss companies to carry out feasibility studies. In the end, unfortunately, they were deterred by US government under the pretext that Puntland State wasn’t a sovereign country able to enter into an international treaty of that magnitude. Moreover, the Americans claimed this waterway was an international passage that couldn’t be disturbed. The pursuit of our project was adjourned, waiting for another day to re-start.

During the course of project studies, we learned a few historical facts. Almost all international commercial shipping fleet of the world is insured by the British Lloyd Insurance Marketplace. Insurance fees shot up suddenly then as false rumors had spread around the world that the people living in Cape Guardafui practised “cannibalism” and that was the reason why attendants of the light house at the Cape often disappeared, endangering ships passing by there. Later, it was found out that the residents of the Cape had been persuading these attendants to abandon their duties by resettling them there into family life, so that people could take advantage of shipwrecks as the light house guiding the ships goes off.

The story of “bad kasoo bax, Boqor baa leh (All findings from the sea belongs to the King), perhaps, had originated from this wild story of the Cape Guardafui Light House. Check it out.

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On the Fight for Decentrilization in Somalia’s Governance

By Abdisalam Salwe, PhD.

Somalis have always been federal or decentralized as you can imagine. Somali speaking people are scattered all around the Horn of Africa [and beyond], speaking the same language. The question is what let them speak the same language? It is because of Somali midnimo [unity of culture and purpose] based on a culture of a decentralized system.

I discussed the issue of decentralization (or federalism) in a paper I presented at “Il corno d’Africa fra Storia, Diritto e Politica” held [in] Rome, 13-14 December 2002. I was discussing how the Somali midnimo has been affected (and destroyed) by the centralization system Somalia took after the independence. [Take a read it here]:

Historical Perspective on the Challenge Facing the Somali Sacral Unity from Taibah University, College of Computer Science & Engineering

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ANTI-FEDERALIST FORCES IN SOMALIA DISTORT THE ORIGIN OF THE CONCEPT

In politics like in any other field of academic studies, there are different schools of thought. But, sometimes you would find people, who intentionally distort subjects of studies to score political points to their advantage. Federalism in Somalia is one of those subjects. You hear grown-up and seemingly educated people stating that “Somali clan federalism” was imported from “Ethiopian Ethnic Federalism”. These people, some of which considering themselves enlightened, are expressing only their opinions devoid of any basis in facts and history.

First of all, Ethiopian federalism is based on nationalism in which every region has one predominant nationality like Somalis, Amhara, Oromo, and so on. These are specific, regional and reality-based conditions of Ethiopia. The concept itself was initiated not by TPLF, but by the Derg Government of Mengistu Haile-Mariam, for those who care about history. Prime Minister Abyi Ahmed of Ethiopia is trying now to dismantle it without much success so far, giving some political motivation to Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo of Somalia, who has failed abysmally in copying Abyi’s thoughts and desires for central dictatorship from Addis Ababa.

Secondly, TPLF government of Meles Zenawi was against the formation of Puntland State. I am still a living eyewitness as one of the founders of the State. At that time, Ethiopia wanted to continue its Mandated Plan of Somalia’s Peace and National Reconciliation – the formation of Puntland State was a distraction they didn’t want. At the time, IGAD and AU had authorized Ethiopia, ironically, (given the historical burden between Somalia and Ethiopia) to conduct Somali National Reconciliation Process.

Thirdly, Ethiopian government had opposed to the establishment of Jubaland State, until a later date when they had secured the loyalty of Ahmed Madobe, and they decided to promote Hassan Sheikh Mohamud in his election bid of 2012. Ahmed Madobe was persuaded or coerced to support HSM. In return, Hassan would drop his resistance to the proclamation of Jubaland State. As establishment of Jubaland became a turning point in Somalia’s federalism, leaders of Hawiye, who were in opposition to the system had no choice but to hurry up to form their own federal states, hence the creation of Hirshabelle and enhancing and recognizing Galmudugh as fully-fledged federal member state without fulfilling the constitutional requirement on establishing a regional state.

Still, many Hawiye intellectuals and politicians alike continue to denounce Somalia’s federalism as clannish imported from Ethiopia, a fallacy bought by many other gullible people from Darood clan family too. For example, recently I met with a former colleague of mine, who was present in Northeast Somalia at inception of Puntland State. He knew that Ethiopia had nothing to do with the foundation of Puntland State in any form or shape, yet, this gentleman had been sold the idea of Ethiopian influence in Somalia’s federalism. Having said that, there is no denying the impact of geopolitics on the sub-region and reach of globalization in politics as well.

There are many other historical distortions and fake stories about Somalia’s realities. Unfortunately, there are always ready minds taking in this nonsense without any scrutiny.

Moreover, many Somalis are not aware of the fact that regions in Southwestern Somalia had demanded federalism, in return, for endorsing the rest of the country’s desire for national independence. That was circa 1956. Was that an Ethiopian TPLF manipulation as well, I wonder? These people also ignore the fact that, given the legacy of Civil War, residents of many regions in Somalia don’t want to return to a one city-state situation any more. Nobody has to suffer the tyranny and repression of a regime of Barre’s type and clan cleansing of United Somali Congress (USC) again.

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A GOVERNMENT BARTERING WITH DRUGS

Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo Government has just started bartering Somali maritime resources with the import of Qaat, a highly addictive stimulant used mostly by low-income residents of Somalia, from Ethiopia 🇪🇹. The drug has been destroying the social fabric of the society for generations now, with breakdown of traditional values and family bond. It has been reducing labour productivity drastically. Most security personnel in Somalia 🇸🇴 are addicted to the drug, a danger to public and national security. Below is an article I had authored a few years ago.

Kat (aka Qat, Chat, Khat) is Grave National Security Threat to Somalia

(Photo: Courtsey of Wikipedia; Twitter message by Faisal Roble)

If Somalia is to survive as a nation-state and having at least a normal functioning government with even average bureaucratic operations, it must urgently find effective solutions to the epidemic of Kat addiction among its population as a national priority. The problem is more than socio-economic issue. It is a grave national security threat as well.

In the summer of 1997, I was a member of a delegation of the now defunct National Salvation Council (the NSC, aka Sodare Group) from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, to Mogadishu, Somalia. The delegation members included NSC Co-chairmen, Ali Mahdi Mohamed and Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed as well as Council members that included Mohamud Mohamed Guled (Gacmadheere), Duuliye Sare Abdi Osman Farah among others. We numbered about 13 men and one female. We were on our way to meet with an Italian delegation led by then Deputy Foreign Minister for Africa, Senator Serri, who was about to visit Mogadishu for the sole purpose of mediating between disputing Mogadishu warlords despite many other problems of Somalia. The vision of the Italian delegation on solving Somalia’s predicament was not beyond the Banadir Region at that particular time.

Abdullahi Yusuf’s intention in the mission was to disrupt the Italian visit (which he did successfully) while Ali Mahdi’s was to win over the Italian favor against Hussein Aidiid and Osman Ali Atto.

We made a two-day stop-over in Djibouti. The Prime Minister of Djibouti then, Barkat Gourad Hamadou, honored us with a lavish luncheon with tender baby-goat’s meat and other delicacies of Djibouti at his residence. After the lunch, we were taken to a large and well furnished room with an Arabic seating with soft cushions specifically designed for long-time session in comfort for Kat indulgence, gossiping experience, news and secrets debriefing under the “high” influence of the stuff. In front of every person a bazooka-like wrapping was placed and a large silver tray full of the tools of the trade: A big and tall golden tea thermos, crystal glasses, shining and engraved tea-mugs, various branded cold soft drinks in plastic Coca Cola –type bottles and commercially distilled water in gravines with swimming crystal clear ice-rocks, all to be consumed in the breezing air-condition of the room- an artificial weather hide-out from the environment of burning heat of the City of Djibouti.

After a few chit-chats, Prime Minister Hamadou noticed that none of the members of our delegation was using the stuff as they were all non-chewers, at least, at that period of time. The Prime Minister was a bit annoyed and asked: “Why are you in civil war then, if there is nothing to fight for?” I guess we spoiled the daily indulgence session for our generous, high-level Djibouti host. Luckily, the conversation didn’t break up as we a had had a lot to discuss on Somalia, Somalia-Djibouti past and future relationships and the Horn of Africa, in general.

During those few years, I discovered, in separate sessions, that Ismail Omar Gheleh, the current President of Djibouti, was pondering about his desire to join his tiny country with Ethiopia as he was desperately convinced that Djibouti would not survive on its own. There was rampant corruption in the seaport operations, the main revenue generating enterprise besides the high spending men of the French legionnaires at Djibouti night clubs. The City of Djbouti was on the verge of being taken over by the influx of Ethiopians, who needed no immigration papers to come in. It was only Puntland help in 1999 to commit him to Somalia’s National Reconciliation process, encouraging him to take it over from Ethiopia, an AU and IGAD Mandated Country for Somali National Reconciliation Process. President Abdullahi Yusuf convinced President Daniel arab Moi of Kenya to support President Ismail Omar Ghueleh to play the role. It was undoubtedly a diplomatic success that pushed Ethiopia aside from the Somali issues. One may guess already why Ethiopia was not happy with President Yusuf lately. The second help came to Djibouti from post-9/11 World Order. Besides God’s wish, it was only these two factors that saved Djibouti from voluntary union with Ethiopia. Unfortunately, he betrayed Puntland State during the initial phases of the Arta Conference, a rift that eventually undermined the TNG of Abdulkassim Salad Hassan to pave the way for holding Embagati (Kenya) all inclusive and broad-based Somali National Conference and finally, the establishment of the Transitional Federal Government of the Somali Republic (TFG) in 2004, transforming it into the Somali Federal Republic in 2012.

Suddenly, the Prime Minister shared with us the socio-economic devastation Kat consumption has been causing on Djibouti at the time. He informed us that Djibouti was paying Ethiopia a hundred thousand US dollars daily, and that was only the portion of the payments that goes though from bank to bank. Think about residents who buy the stimulant on their own from individual Chat traders on the top of train and air passengers who also bring sacks of the green leaves to their families, relatives and friends in Djibouti cities.

On a number of occasions, I stopped over in Djibouti for a short stay. On multiple times, arriving at Djibouti International Airport, I used to see popular demonstration-like commotion at the gates of the airport-population rushing to the airport when Kat cargo delivery from Ethiopia is delayed for only a few hours. One would see custom and passport control officers whose mouths are asymmetrically filled with Qat and chewing it on the job. Think about the officers’ mental judgment and decision-making capability under the influence of the hyper-leaves at country’s highly sensitive and main border entry point.

The situation is even worse in Somalia with a few millions of US dollars spent every day on the habit. With no credible fiscal statics available, the country may be fast sinking into public and personal bankruptcy. A failed state desperately trying to recover from decades of civil war and total collapse of public services and institutions, has also population wholly consumed by the epidemic of daily Chat use, effectively destroying the socio-economic fabric of its society, abysmally curtailing manpower productive hours and bringing havoc to family livelihoods and relationships while it is also at same sometime constitutes an instigator and main source of corruption and loose social morals. A country with the geographical size larger several times than Italy or UK with porous long borders with Ethiopia and Kenya requires alert and non-Chat chewing security personnel and efficient bureaucracy.

The irony is that Somalis nowadays like to talk about safeguarding their sovereignty and territorial integrity, while at sometime allowing their neighbor states to dump poisonous addictive Kat to their citizens, drain their economy, disable their manpower and threaten their vital national security interests. Think about the real double-talk and double standard with a proverbial ostrich attitude!

Somalia has to come up with a solution to the menace of the Qat. While fully it is understandable that it is tough to try to ban the habit outright, at least a committee of experts should be immediately setup to study the problem and submit recommendations to competent bodies for, at minimum, regulating it and eventually outlawing it. Massive public education and media programs relating to its dangerous hazards to personal and public health should be initiated and launched immediately to stop the spread of the habit to young generation. Somalia cannot afford to continue to ignore its greatest, silent killer of its productive members of the society and the gravest national calamity posed by Kat trade. Please wake up!

LOOKING BACK AT SSF/SSDF CENTRAL COMMITTEE IN ETHIOPIA

The Somali Salvation Front – SSF, (Jabhadda Badbaadinta Soomaaliyeed), the first Somali Political and armed opposition against the Military Junta of General Siad Barre was formed by Somalis in-exile and defectors from the Somali National Army on the 8th of February 1979, and launched a powerful broadcasting short-wave station -The Radio Kulmis, at the same day. The SSF 23-strong Central Committee was hailing and composed from all parts of Somalia. This included:

Mustafe Haji Nur, the Secretary-General of the SSF, was from Hargeisa, Isak Community, Habar Awal.
Hagi Omar Mohamed Sterling, First Deputy, from Mogadishu, Hawiye Community, Abgaal.
Col. Cabdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, Second Deputy, from Galkayo, Majertein Community, Omar Mohamud.
Mohamed Mohamud Shandiile, Third Deputy, from Dhusamareb, Hawiye Community, Cayr.
Osman Nur Ali Qonof, from Qardho, Majeerten, Osman Mahamud.
Ismail Daud Egal, from Barbera, Isak Community, Habar Awal.
Ali Hamdulle Togdheer, from Burco, Isak Community, Habar Yunis.
Col. Abdulkadir Warsame Galbeyti (Abdulkadir-Ex) from Hobyo, Hawiye Community, Sa’ad.
Yusuf Dirir Cabdi, from Erigabo, Isak Community, Habar Yunis.
Abdi Ahmed Rooble, from Bali-Gubadle, Isak Community, Arab.
Col. Abshir Muse Said, from Qardho, Majertein, Osman Mahamud.
Saleman Dahir Afqarshe, from Las-Anod, Dhulbahante, Naaleye Axmed.
Dr. Abdisalam Aw-Samatar, from Garowe, Majertein Community, Isse Mahamud.
Col. Awil Jama Hersi, from Gaashamo, Isak Community, Habar Yunis.
Dr. Hassan Ali Mireh, from Galkayo, from, Majertein Community, Omar Mohamud.
Cabdullahi Ali Hassan, from Adaado, Hawiye Community, Saleman.
Col. Mohamed Ali Hoori, from Dhahar, Warsangeli, Dubeys.
Abdirahman Sugulle Haabsay, from Galkayo, Majertein, Omar Mohamud.
Mahamud Einanshe Guled, from Odweyne, Isak Community, Habar Yunis.
Col. Mohamed Abshir Ali Weyrah, from Burtinle, Darood, Awrtable.
Hersi Magan Isse, from Galkayo, Majertein, Osman Mahamud.
Sayidiin Hassan Jabaan, from Bosaso, Majertein, Wabeneye.
Abdullahi Hagi Elmi, from Kismayo, Majertein, Isse Mahamud.
Taken from SSF/SSDF/Q/Archives.

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PROFESSOR ABDISALAM SALWE OF EAST AFRICA UNIVERSITY (BOSASO, SOMALIA) ON WARSAME DIGITAL MEDIA WDM

I read with interest your publication which I found very useful and on time as Somalia is passing through one of its worst time in history. I also liked the way you have been trying to transmit your publication through social media as today the social media has become the most essential tool to convey messages.

Another style that I liked is your technique of shortening and highlighting the messages. As we know, today Somali habit of reading has become lower than in the seventies and eighties.

https://www.smashwords.com/books/search?query=Ismail+warsame

For example, I read the article “Private Sharia Courts Have Started Operating in Garowe City”. The truth is the Islamists are everywhere and they have been trying to create a government under a government.

I can say that “you have been saying what I always wanted to say to the public”. Thank you for that.

In the meantime, in some of my publications, I have discussed the colonial intrusion in Somalia. They can found online:

The Historical Context of the Conflict of the Horn
(in Abdisalam M. Issa-Salwe, Cold War Fallout: Boundary Politics and Conflict in the Horn of Africa, Haan Associates Publishers, 2000)
https://wardheernews.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/The_Historical_Context_of_The_Conflict_of_the_Horn.pdf

Colonial Intrusion and the Somali Resistance
https://www.slideshare.net/binsalwe/colonial-intrusion-and-the-somali-resistance
The Collapse of the Somali State: The Impact of the Colonial Legacy. Haan Associates Publishers, 1996, pp.25-55.

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PUNTLAND HAS MADE HISTORY. AN IMPORTANT INTERVIEW

Take a watch:

https://fb.watch/6gc29xY4sN/

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HISTORY OF MODERN SOMALIA SET STRAIGHT

The resistance against Italian colonial conquest of Southern Somalia started with the Kingdom of Boqor Osman in Bargaal and Sultanate of Keenedid in Obyo in former Mudugh Region in early 20th Century. Italian Navy had used warships to bombard the Seat of Boqor Osman in Bargaal on the shores of Indian Ocean in Eastern Somalia.This was followed by Northen Derwish Movement of late Sayid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, better known as Ina Abdulle Hassan by Somalis or Mad Mullah by the British colonial Military Administration of Somaliland Protectorate (the best good book about the Sayid’s Movement called ” The Divine Madness” was written by Prof. ABDI sheikh Abdi). This movement mainly focused on fighting the British occupation in the North of the country. It was religious/nationalistic armed organization taking cues and inspiration from Mahdist Movement in the Sudan then.

About the same time or a bit earlier, deep in the South, there was Sheikh Hassan Barsame’s struggle with the Italian Colonial Administration. This resistance, however, was about Sheikh’s wish for the preservation of slavery for the plantation fields of his community in lower Shabelle Region. The Italians wanted to abolish slavery under pressure from the provisions of the European Accord on suppressing slavery (The 1926 Slavery Convention or the Convention to Suppress the Slave Trade and Slavery was an international treaty created under the auspices of the League of Nations and first signed on 25 September 1926).

Ahmed Gurey’s Movement in Abyssinian Campaign ( known as Ahmed Gran by the Ethiopians) was religious in nature rather than a national movement for freedom. “Fatuh Al-Habasha” or the Opening/Penetration of Abyssinia is the best literary works written on Gurey’s Campaign.

The struggle for national independence continued with the rise of the Somali Youth League (SYL) from 1943, forming the first post-colonial national government of the Somali Republic in 1960 under the unification of former colonies of the South and North of the country, until it was overthrown by Military Junta in 1969, leading to the collapse and state failure in 1991. That was the end of the Somalia’s 1st Republic.

The 2nd Somalia’s Republic (with the Federal Government of Somalia) was founded in October 2004 under National Peace and Reconciliation Congress, 2002-2004, in the town of Mbagati, Kenya. Villa Somalia was liberated by the forces of the Founder of the 2nd Somalia’s Republic, the late President of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), Abdullahi Yusuf, in 2006. Some Somalis were made to believe that Ethiopian soldiers had assisted Mr Yusuf in liberating the Villa. That is far from the truth. The Ethiopians had entered Mogadishu after a few days after Mr. Yusuf had seized and restored Somalia’s Presidency. Yusuf’s Government had rehabilitated and repaired Villa Somalia. In the words of former Somalia’s president Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, “not a teaspoon was missing from the Villa as I came in”

Mogadishu Airport was re-opened by now defunct Union of Islamic Courts (UIC/ICU) after many years of stateless Somalia, but, it was rehabilitated and expanded by Yusuf’s government, renaming it Aden Abdulle International Airport. It also had made the Mogadishu Harbor operational and returned it to government control for the first time since 1991.

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HOW TO HANDLE CORRUPTION IN A DEEPLY CORRUPT SOCIETY

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2019/03/17/how-to-handle-corruption-in-a-deeply-corrupt-society/

Geopolitics around Somalia

Aneela Shahzad May 28, 2021

The writer is a geopolitical analyst. She also writes at globaltab.net and tweets @AneelaShahzad

Remember the February 2017 elections in Somalia, when nine out of 24 presidential candidates were American passport holders. There was no public voting and elections were held in an airport hangar at Aden Adde International Airport, in Mogadishu, under a heavy guard, as no other than the parliamentarians and officials were allowed in.

The winning candidate, Mohamed Farmaajo, who had been based in the United States since 1988, was flown into Mogadishu from New York on the morning of the election, into the heavily guarded airplane hangar. And now after enjoying a four-year lottery ticket to the presidency, he will probably go back to live happily ever after in the US, if not re-elected with the help of his maneuverings.

A short history of Somalia is that, in colonial times the land of the ethnic Somalis was torn into French Somaliland, Italian Somaliland, British Somaliland, Ethiopian Somaliland and the Kenyan North Frontier District. At independence parts of this land were thrown into Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti — thus the seeds of provincial clan-based politics and of never-ending cross-border grievances were sown.

After independence in 1960, Somalia and Ethiopia, because of their conflicts, became an active theater of the Cold War, Somalia being aided by the Soviets and Ethiopia by the US. Later in the early 1990s, when president Said Barre fled from the country, Somalia was thrown into the US camp. As it happened, while the Soviets had been supplying arms and funds to Barre’s government only — the US made the policy of letting their arms reach to the clan-heads — thus converting cities, harbours and airports into self-proclaimed autonomous regions, with practically no central authority.

Since then, Somalia has been a divided country, whose strings are constantly being pulled by outside powers and international organisations like the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) and the African Union (AU). Al Shabab originated in Somalia in 2003, about the same time when Al Qaeda affiliates were sprouting all over the Muslim World. At about the same time, in 2001 the US established its Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) in neighboring Djibouti.

This picture tells us a bit about how complicated the politics of Somalia, that has practically been divided into warring autonomous regions, like that of Puntland, Somaliland, Galmudug and others, each of which potentially has ties with foreign benefactors. And these benefactors are not necessarily far away ones, but may lie within the Horn of Africa. Kenya and Ethiopia, that have Somali populations striving for separatism, have often joined forces to counter these forces and their friends inside Somalia.

Last year Somalia accused Kenya of interference in its elections in Jubaland, where Kenya allegedly tried to help President Ahmed Madobe retain his power in the semi-state.

In neighbouring Ethiopia, where the Tigray province has rebelled against the center in November, Abiy Ahmed is accused of outsourcing his counterinsurgency against the Tigray to Eritrean soldiers and also of using the same in his border conflict with Sudan. It has also surfaced that President Farmaajo has used Ethiopian troops against local opponents in Somalia and has allowed Somali soldiers to fight in Ethiopia.

It seems that in the Horn of Africa boundaries of states don’t matter much and that leaders are playing across border as inter-family feuds are played. Clan leaders, insurgency groups, and militias hold as much sway as government forces may be having, and in fact the government are fighting their wars with the help of the tribals and militias. But what has magnified the complexity of the Horn to a point of hopelessness, is the amassing of foreign militaries in the Horn, especially in Eritrea and Djibouti. Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki has built an entire economy centered on seeking economic rents from mercenaries and military bases that he allows to be formed in his country — so much so that it has become the only industry that employs Eritrean youth — as the youth are bound to undertake compulsory national service in the military. The same is the case in Djibouti, that is home to military bases of France, US, China, Italy, Japan, while UAE and Saudi Arabia are in the process of making their bases here too. The mere stationing of opposing forces, so close, in the Horn of Africa, makes it vulnerable to conflict and war, and the mere presence of such forces allow them to interfere in or affect the politics of the region and its states. And their mere presence also opens the way for smuggling of illegal small arms into the areas, which in turn strengthens the militias and emboldens them to commit heinous crimes such as systemic ethnic cleansing, rape, starvation, and massacres — crimes that have reportedly sharply risen in this year.

Certainly, as much as Africa is a resource-curse continent, it is also a media-blackout one. So, most of us remain unmoved by facts like; in the last six months alone, the Tigray conflict has displaced more than two million people in Ethiopia; or that infighting in Mogadishu, since mid-April when Farmaajo announced extension of his term, 100,000 people have been displaced from the city.

So, what policies of Western favourites Farmaajo, Abiy and Afwerki have done, are to destabilise the Horn further. The Tigray War has put the existence of Ethiopia as one nation into question; Farmooja has only deepened the divide between self-ruling regions of the state by playing one against the other; and Afwerki has played his part in feeding and fueling militias and mercenaries.

Nor have international platforms like the African Union’s Peace and Security Council, the UNSOM, or the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) been able to bring the region any closer to peace and stability — reason being, that covert forces and political interest prey upon the larger interests of the common people — and because for some, a destabilised Horn of Africa, at the brink of breaking down is more lucrative than a stable, sovereign, self-supporting and peaceful set of states at the opening of the Red Sea.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 28^th, 2021.

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DHULBAHANTE YOUTH REFUTE ELECTIONS TOOK PLACE IN SOOL AND AYN REGIONS

Youth of Dhulbahante origin in Mogadishu denounce Somaliland’s claim of holding elections in Sool and Ayn Regions.

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GALKAYO: THE DYSTOPIAN CITY OF SOMALIA

It is the target of folklore jokes for different reasons:

It produces daring and assertive residents, characteristics considered negative or derogatory by more urban residents of old Mogadishu, and by others as well.
It attracts envy from rest of Somalia for contributing the finest soldiers to the Somali National Army.
It is the home town of prominent Somalia’s politicians, leaders and top military officers.
It had led the way in the struggle for national independence. For the bravery of its residents, Italian Colonial Administration Authorities called it “Rocco Littorio”, after the name of Italian Warship for brave soldiers.
Galkayo was the epicenter of repression and persecution by the Military Dictatorship of General Barre for no good reasons other than the strong character of its residents.

Lately, since the foundation of Puntland State, Galkayo and entire North Mudugh Region had been neglected in terms of good governance and development projects, dismissing it as nuisance frontier and despicable Puntland trouble spot. It has been left to its own device as irredeemable enclave and ungovernable location of the State. Since the inception of Puntland State Galkayo has been suffering from Administrative vacuum. Regional authorities there were appointed in nominal fashion without any meaningful State backup to address the the unique chronic issues and historical problems in the absence of well-intended governance strategy. The City has been treated as an outcast in the family. Even Galkayo road links to the rest of Puntland State had been disowned and allowed to deteriorate beyond repair. It is now three times easier and faster to travel more than four hundred Kms on the way to Bosaso on the shores of the Red Sea in the east than to drive a little more than two hundred Kms to Galkayo from Garowe, the main administrative center of Puntland State. Any vehicle that reaches Galkayo safely from Garowe would need total overhaul and expensive repairs. A multi-clan Somalia’s town of a quarter million residents with the potential to become the future National Capital City has been let go to ruin and rot.

As a result of despair due to neglect, residents of Galkayo became disillusioned and lost any hope in the future. Youth have been taken advantage of by Al-Shabab and other extremist organizations of all forms and shapes. Youth have been recruited as killers and murderers of their own kinship. Even elders gave in to Al-Shabab intimidations.The cream of its residents had been assassinated by local hopeless youth under the spell of Al-Shabab. For the first time, strange questions on whether Galkayo belongs to Puntland or Galmudugh were raised. Some residents of the city have been contemplating the idea of seceding from Puntland altogether since being part of the State has lost all meaning. In the words of the New Governor of North Mudugh Region, Abdilatif Sanyare, “Galkayo was no different from the two regions of Shabelles” in Southern Somalia with regards to the menace of Al-Shabab terror.

Most recently, a break has come to the residents of North Galkayo:

Relationships and good neighborliness with the Southern Galkayo have significantly improved.
Relative security and calm have returned to the City of Galkayo in both parts of the town.
Dozens of Al- Shabab assassins have been apprehended and persecuted, a security campaign still underway as we write this article. These prisoners of Al-Shabab assassins have been narrating, in their debriefings, graphic details of their murder exploits. But, it is still premature to conclude that the Dystopian Somalia’s City of Galkayo is out of the woods. It is too good to see Galkayo that lucky.

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WHAT ARE THE ROOT CAUSES FOR THE CULTURE OF IMPUNITY IN SOMALIA?

The Dictatorial Military Regime led by General Barre lasted for twenty-one years in Somalia. The henchmen of this tyranny got away with crimes against humanity after committing indesscrible abuses of power and gross violations of human rights and dignity. Then, came United Somali Congress (USC) banditry of mass-murder, looting, rape and clan cleansing, which made the abuses of preceding tyrannical regime look incomparable in magnitude and scale. USC leaders got away with these heinous crimes. Since then, sense of justice and rule of law have lost any meaning in the country, still technically in civil war as meaningful national reconciliation had never happened. It is now hard to think of establishing public institutions to tackle with the epidemic of lawlessness and cultural impunity for all sorts of crimes, corruption, theft and looting of public resources. That is why many politicians aspire to replace General Barre, trying to acquire absolute power in a city-state thuggery. To prevent the repeat of that dark era in Somali governance, regions had opted for federalism as safe governing system for a country with bitter experience in misrule.

To make things even worse, USC mayhem is followed by religious extremists undeterred by known traditions of Islamic culture and studies. Wanton murder and extortion became the norm and modus operandi of peudo-religious elements of suppression, public intimidation and mass violence with daily bomb-blasts, mostly directed at civilian targets and their private properties and businesses for not paying up protection money.

But, what are the root-causes of this culture of impunity?

To answer this, one would be required to study whether there is an existence of individual guilty or responsibility for crimes committed by persons in Somali society.

Somali tribal laws or customary laws (Xeer) deal with collective responsibilities, not individual accountability. An individual’s wrong-doing is collectively shared by the entire clan in terms of responsibility. The wrong-doer escapes individual responsibility as a member of the collective tribal system. The crime committed by one member is considered as a crime perpetuated by the entire clan family. Consequently, every Somali leader, even a dictator or an abuser in government belongs to that same tribal system that is designed to protect him or her from accountability for wrong-doing.

Based on the native customary laws of this society, the whole exercise for installing a functioning Somali state would continue to be a joke, until that time that all Somalis agree upon guiding principles on inserting individual responsibility into administration of justice, that everyone, alone, is individually responsible for his/her actions – no collective clan responsibilities.

PS. An incident took place in North Galkayo sometime ago. Two students from Southern part of Galkayo were having a good time in Northern part of the city.. They wer4 spotted by a group of men there. suspicious, these men asked the students to identify themselves in terms of their clan names. These students were smart not to identify themselves except in a police station. At police station, they identified themselves in front of the Puntland police commander. The police station instantly became a target of mob seige to take the two students by force from the police custody. Luckily, the school boys were rescued that way. What crime did these boys commit to warant this personal danger? Tribal collective responsibility.

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SOMALIA: THE POITICS OF WISHY -WASHY BACKFIRES

Could you imagine the Government of the United States of America 🇺🇸 breaking diplomatic ties with the Government of the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland (Great Britain)? Could they do it successfully? It is the same thing Somalia trying to sever relationships with Djibouti, Kenya or Ethiopia. These relationships have been developing over many centuries in a multi-dimensional fashion, and most importantly, between peoples of these nations. Nairobi is now the irreplaceable Somali business and travel hub. An amateur and naive politician like Farmajo couldn’t simply appear in the scene and try blindly to do away the historically cemented relations without doing much harm to Somalia’s vital national interests and economic havoc in the entire region.

Even a Somali camel man grazing his herds in the country knows full well that cutting ties with Kenya isn’t only practical, but also infeasible and wrong, for he is, at least, aware of his relatives in refugee camps in Kenya. With today’s globalization, he is in constant communication with his kinship in Dhadhaab Refugee Camp, not to talk about others in all urban centres of Kenya.

This is not to say nice things about Kenyan Authorities – they share much of the blame in worsening relationships with Somalia. But, the unwise experiment in this diplomatic fiasco hurt not only many lives and livelihoods, but also did great damage to the national economies of both countries. The losses could be in the billions of dollars. I wonder if any lessons learned from this childish and futile exercise.

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PUNTLAND VIP SECURITY PROTECTION OVERDO

Residents of Garowe are the most patient people on earth, enduring the public inconveniences practised by authorities for years. It so happens that the State President, or more often, the Vice President attending an event in a public place in town seizes and seals off the entire area with unproportional security forces. Patrons reluctantly and patiently turn around and go home sadly. The protocols and related security departments couldn’t fix this problem since the foundation of the State, mainly because of the fact that the bosses are fond of seeing their presence and power felt by the public repeatedly.

Ironically, those who are now perpetuating this overzealous VIP security protection turn into ordinary human beings overnight when voted out or replaced. Right now, sitting near my table at hotel lobby is a former Puntland Minister of Public Security. He is alone without a single security guard. But the new comers or replacements go into same cycle of abuse of power or showmanship once installed.

This VIP security protection showmanship is happening tonight at Grand Hotel in Garowe with Puntland Vice President in attendance. I have been told that the whole security fuss and public inconveniences so created is about a school graduation ceremony. I also know that residence of the Vice President isn’t far off from the hotel – it doesn’t require carloads of security personnel to occupy forcefully and seal off the entire area. Why does it need such a show of force by a civilian administration in every event in town? I think it is more than ignorance. There is a dimension of public abuse as well. All they need here is a well trained and efficient police force to maintain law and order in such events. Puntland doesn’t need individual collections of personal bodyguards that would disappear with that VIP of the day once he goes away.

Next time you hear blaring car siren along the road in Garowe, don’t think it is an ambulance transporting a sick patient to a hospital emergency – it is the either the President or Vice President owning up the public highway.

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PARENTS TO FARMAJO: WHERE ARE OUR KIDS? VOA REPORTS.

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TREASON?

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KENYA RELENTS IN ITS AIR-BLOCKADE WITH SOMALIA

How predictable and reliable are cooperation and relationships with Kenya?

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PERSONNEL VETTING AND NATIONAL SECURITY

Recently I authored the article below to raise the urgent need for vetting public servants, government officials and politicians. Mr. Abdikarim Hussein Guled, a current presidential candidate in the election 2021 is a shining example of what is wrong with Somalia’s system of personnel selection, an appointment to a high position of public service and responsibility and to an elected office. Take a look at how he falsely and ignorantly see Somali history. The article reads this way:

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2021/04/29/somalia-leadership-vetting-a-must/

There has been a lot of resentments from Somali locals towards returning members of the diaspora getting hired more likely in public service. The locals are also angry to witness returning intellectuals in positions of political leadership (Parliament, presidency cabinet, heads of departments, etc). This is also true to all Federal Member States. The locals consider the existing situation as an invasion of Somali diaspora to steal them of opportunities in their own turfs.

But, that is one side of the story. There is another side in employing members of Somali overseas communities for public services. There is suspicion with regards to whom they represent and where their loyalty lies as the diaspora members are dual citizens. This is where the government needs to establish vetting regulations to insure that Somali national security isn’t compromised. Since independence, Somalia has been extremely weak in vetting public servants and security forces. Beside the lack of sophistication, poor knowledge of statecraft, clannish influence, the problem is exacerbated by the national constitution enshrining that all persons of Somali origin have equal rights, no matter where they come from, Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti, Tanzania, among many others. As Somalis fled to different corners of the world, following the outbreak of the Civil War in the 1990s, the constitution and citizenship regulations have not been updated due to the absence of full-fledged functioning central government. No tools for background checks are in place for civil service recruitment, and nobody could be sure whether a candidate for government job belongs to Alshabab or foreign intelligence service. That is why there is a dangerous situation of not knowing who works for the Somali government of today, from the highest office in the land to the lowest ranking employee with any government department or public sector. It is a fatal oversight failure again in Somalia’s statehood.

It isn’t a crime or liability for being a refugee elsewhere in the world, given what had happened in Somalia for people to flee for their own safety, but it is a gross negligence on the part of the government of the day to disregard security vetting of its employees and their background checks.

Click the link below to read about the short modern history of Somalia in order to flush out distortions by the likes of Abdikarim Hussein Guled.

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2021/07/01/abdikarim-hussein-guled-caught-in-lying-about-somali-history/

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THE SOMALI SHILLINGS IN ITS DEATH THROES.

The history of the money

In order to understand about the currency crisis in Somalia we have to understand about the money; the essence of the money, what the money is all about; and to understand that we need to go back to the history of it. How its usage had started and how it has came to the way it’s used now. We have to also understand about the bank and how it correlates with the money.

At first the people used to barter, or trade their extra produces that they can spare (don’t need) for the other items that they need which they don’t/can’t produce themselves but others have labored to produce it. In order something to have a value it has to be a produce on which time and energy had spent by someone.

Then came the coins. The usage of the money started with valuable coins: made of precious metals gold, silver, bronze. These coins, themselves a produce, have their own value: buying power. So the people used to exchange/trade their extra seasonal produces, perishable or not, for these valuable items which can be stored for longtime time in order to save something for the bad weather. Also they used to buy with these valuable items for the necessities they themselves don’t produce.

Then come the Bank: which simply started as a safe-room and a record keeper. The people entrusted the bankers with their valuable coins to keep them safe for them against the losses: of burning, of thievery, etc. The bankers produced paper receipt which can easily be moved around with than the heavy metal coins. Those receipts were simply a guarantee that the bearer of that receipt will be paid at request the amount of gold, silver, or bronze coins on that receipt by the guarantor, the issued bank. The people used those receipts, money paper, for their current trades while knowing that its last owner should go to the counter of the issued bank and could anytime collect its value written on it, in gold, silver or bronze.

Sometime later some cheat bankers, like our later-day’s Gass, realized that it will be unlikely to happen that all the depositors come to bank at one time to collect all their deposits; that means they (bankers) will always be in possession of someone’s coins; those cheat bankers then started producing their own paper receipt which they loaned, of course with interest, to the propertied business people and the rulers/governments who needed the cash. This is where the usury ( ribaa) started; because borrowers used to payback more of the same coins on top of ones written on the money paper (receipts) they borrowed! Same as the way the banks loan us today.

So recently, has the rulers and the state governments came into involving in the banking business as regulators and overall guarantors of the private banks still with a money ( paper receipt and precious metals coins) based on gold; after sometime the governments also issued their own money, still based on gold, for the same purpose as of the cheat bankers, issuing money papers for which they don’t have its gold. Eventually, the peoples of world found themselves chasing around valueless paper money (paper receipts and cheap metals coins) with no guarantee of its value in gold. Yet, very recently, and before the Bretton Woods Agreement, the value of any money in the world were pegged to its respective gold values.

The goodness in governments’ involvement of the money business was in the regulating of its issuance; controlling the counterfeit; collecting taxes with it; and most importantly enforcing its circulations by paying with it the salaries of its workers. Those regulatory actions, by boosting the confidence of the consumers, have lended it an artificial values which enabled it to buy real valuable items on which the time and the energy had spent! The artificial value of any paper money depends on consumers confidences on its owner government which in turn depends on the monetary or military power of that government. The rich governments, who collect more taxes on their rich and productive peoples, are rich and military powerful and thus their moneys are strong and more valuable. The poor governments, whose people are less productive thus collect less taxes and/or who spent their tax money wrongly, their moneys value less than the rich governments’ ones; and sometimes become worthless. It recently happened to ZIMBABWE to found its dollar currency , when consumers confidences on it has fallen to the bottom for political reasons, overnight became worthless which forced the Mugabe government to switch to the usage of US dollar and South Africa’s rand!

In order for some thing to have a value, time and energy have to be spent on producing it; that means there must be a need for that thing, so that time and energy have to be spent on it. Every little time or no time has spent on producing money and thus there is intrinsic values in it: (paper receipts and cheap coins) have no value themselves.

Conclusion: with the above in mind, let us ask ourselves these questions about the Somali shillings: who is its legitimate owner? Which government/who regulates its issuance and controls its counterfeit? Who can enforce its circulation and with what means?

These are the factors that set the artificial values of itself inherently valueless paper moneys. Without valid answers to these questions, more importantly when there is regulator of its issuance, when anyone foes or friends can print it out, there is valid money in there. As a result the currently-in-circulation Somali Shillings are all nothing but worthless counterfeits!

Therefore, switching to other currency is imperative for the sake of the Somalis businesses and consumers, if something are to saved from already dilapidated economy.

Suggestions: with every limited options: a) an issuance of our own new currency b) a usage of US dollar c) or a usage of another friendly government’s currency, I should only commend the option B; for option A not being affordable whereas C is unavailable!

By Ahmed Khalif, June 06, 2021

ON AMBASSADOR YUSUF OMAR AZHARI (RIP)

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ADAM JAMA BIHI: THE UNRECOGNIZED TALENT OF PUNTLAND STATE, A GREAT PUNTLANDER

DO YOU KNOW THAT WITHOUT THE PIONEER WORKS OF ADAM JAMA BIHI WITH HIS WAR-TORN SOCIETY, THE CREATION OF PUNTLAND STATE WOULD HAD BEEN DIFFICULT, IF NOT IMPOSSIBLE? ASK AROUND TO KNOW ABOUT HIM?

As Project Manager of War-torn Society operating in North East Regions (now called Puntland), an international NGO owned, financed and based in Switzerland, Adam Jama Bihi had diverted the entire resources of the organization, including personnel to the successful conclusion of the two founding community congresses in Garowe with the product result: The Puntland State of Somalia. He had helped in hiring five Western European Constitutional lawyers and one Egyptian lawyer to help draft the founding Puntland Charter. Because of his bold and patriotic act in helping create the New State, he was severely reprimanded and sanctioned by his overseas bosses then, including Matt Bryden, the current VIP of SAHAN AFRICA. This sanction against Adam Jama Bihi had continued for many months after the successful establishment of Puntland State. Bihi’s actions are justified in the sense that he was helping a war-torn society, the true mission of that organization.

Adam had died in a car accident at “Xalima Dheere Mountain” near Garowe while he was traveling from Galkayo before War-torn Society operations came to an end in Puntland. His passing away was one of my saddest moments in life. He was gifted and genius, perhaps, in par with Einstein, if not more talented.

As activities of War-torn society were concluded, following Adam’s death, Puntland Presidency had moved to create PDRC (Puntland Development and Research Centre), mainly thanks to Adam Jama Bihi’s works under War-torn Society. I had pushed the idea and drafted the initial papers to establish PDRC, becoming myself a member of the Founding Board together with Waldo, Jurile, Abdiqawi of ICJ and Ali Isse Abdi of SSC Regions (Khaatumo), among a few more. We had appointed Abdirahman Abdulle Shuke as its Director-General under PL Presidency. It was a parastatale agency, but, because we didn’t have the funds to support the agency, we allowed it to operate as NGO. Abdiqawi and Ali Isse Abdi had never contributed anything meaningful to PDRC establishment or operations.

Like many of the talented personalities in Puntland, Adam had political frictions with then PL President Abdullahi Yusuf. In fact, I was the binding link between the President and perceived or real opposition elements in the country and overseas. These included General Cadde Muse, Mohamed Abshir Waldo, to name just a few of many others.

The late President had been accusing Adam Jama Bihi of collecting and empowering the opposition. One evening President Abdullahi Yusuf, Mohamed Abshir Waldo, Adam Jama Bihi and I were discussing an issue at sitting room of the President in Garowe. Hot argument broke out between Abdullahi Yusuf and Adam Jama Bihi. Nothing was spared between them except physical blows. As Waldo and Bihi had left us, I advised the President to allow me to look into the accusations that Bihi was supporting the opposition. He accepted my offer. I started attending Bihi’s War-torn Society workshops. I found out that a civil war breaks out when members of any society stop talking to each other. Adam Jama Bihi was facilitating that talk or dialogue happening and getting stronger in North East Somalia. Unfortunately, the President misunderstood Bihi’s noble and patriotic mission. I had, however, reported back to the President, warning him of his misconceptions. I don’t believe that he had heeded my advice as he continued bashing anyone perceived to belong to the opposition.

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A GOVERNMENT IS AS DANGEROUS AS IT IS NECESSARY TO A SOCIETY

A government by nature could be a dangerous organization, if it falls into wrong hands. It is benevolent and useful when handled well. There are many types of government, which indicate the imperative need to be careful in choosing one’s government. Some types of government are, among many others:

Democracy
Monarchy
Dictatorship
Oligarchy
Theocracy
Kleptocracy

Democracy or representative government differs from the rest significantly as each of them represents only one or a group of people. But, no matter how messy and chaotic democracy could be, the world community couldn’t find better alternative in self- government.

Then, why do we beat about the bush and couldn’t move forward with the best democratic system in the world, federalism, allowing and empowering regions of a country to attend and manage their own local affairs under a representative federal government? After all, this is a little more than a delegation of power to grown-ups in a family business. The problem, however, is that, like in a democracy, every citizen has an uninformed opinion on federalism here. Moreover, anything unfamiliar or untraditional sounds bad to everyone. Many Somalis, like their counterparts in other nations, mostly don’t know what they are talking about when expressing their layman’s opinions on federalism. Why not leave this issue to neutral and impartial experts and wishes of residents in the regions on the best way forward for Somalia’s governance?

SOMALIA

POLITICAL AND SECURITY ASSESSMENT OF MOGADISHU FOLLOWING AGREEMENT REACHED BY STAKEHOLDERS

When flames of fire is extinguished, there are still remnants of live hot pieces of firewood simmering beneath the ashes. Similarly, in Mogadishu there are heavily armed clan militia in the quarters of Kaaraan, Circolo Ufficiale and elsewhere in the City and surrounding areas. They are ready to be activated for violence at short notice. Alshabab is engaged in not only co-governing Mogadishu, but also control large swathes of territory in the entire South-Central Somalia. The local and Central governments have no exclusive possession of arms and instruments of power, and in an election environment this poses serious security challenges. The diplomatic niceties and smiles among Mogadishu presidential candidates will fade away soon, adding more security problems in towns.

Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Rooble has acquired now higher political profile following his successful leadership in bringing opposing parties together in this Summit between FGS and FMS. If he has political ambitions, I believe he will choose one of two options: Supporting one presidential candidate from Darood camp to keep his current job, or move his name forward among presidential candidates. In the first option, observers believe that Rooble will support Farmajo’s candidacy amid absence of apparent other electable presidential candidates among the Daroods. Somalis say, “in the pains of labour, a woman has no choice in privacy. The plans of Rooble in this election will be exposed soon in the next few weeks. However, whatever he decides, this would be interpreted as a collective stand of Sacad/Habargidir. Either way, his political choice, apart from remaining a neutral technocrat, would add more tension to an already dynamic and volatile political atmosphere in Mogadishu and beyond.

Team Nabad iyo Nolool didn’t give up yet to re-run. But, this time around, their chance in re-electing Farmajo lies in the divisions and disunity of opposition leaders, especially among Hawiye presidential candidates, which is likely to happen as election campaigns heat up.

KA BAXAY BACAADWEYN, MUDUGH, PUNTLAND, SOMALIA

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PICTURE OF THE DAY: SOMALI PROVERB

HOW DO YOU UNDERSTAND REGIONAL POWER-PLAYS?

You hear these days that Egypt is seeking military and security cooperation or pact with Kenya, South Sudan, and even as far as Congo? Guess against whom? You know Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea had entered into similar accord or understanding, and you wonder against whom? You know big powers are in the game of seeking hegemony and spheres of influence in any corner of the globe. That may be understandable as USA, China, among others, are engaged in stiff rivalry and competition for resources and alliances. What isn’t clear is a small nation with limited economic and military resources trying swallow more than she can chew like Eritrea and Kenya. One possible explanation is that these ambitious small nations feel insecure and vulnerable to external security threats beyond their borders. They want to project an image of readiness to counter perceived security threats. In other words, they want to be seen as power-players in geopolitical terms. They are also sending signals to big powers that they should be counted for in the rivalry equation as far as their respective sub-region is concerned. To put it in a different form, small nations are trying to attract the attention of big powers for financial aid, resources and favors.

Put all these together, it is called regional or global power-plays.

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1P1V IN PUNTLAND

They say wherever the USA state of Iowa goes in an election, so goes the rest of the country. Is it equally true that wherever the State of Puntland goes, so goes Somalia?

Puntland State of Somalia was created in 1998 as the first pillar for the foundation of the 2nd Somali Republic. The establishment of other Federal Member States followed suit. Puntland sponsored the federal system of governance in Somalia, and rest of the country, region by region, followed suit. Other member states had adopted Puntland Constitution, replacing only the name of Puntland with their respective names of the state like Galmudugh State of Somalia, Southwest State of Somalia, Hirshabelle State of Somalia and Jubaland State of Somalia. There is nothing wrong in modeling after successful enterprise. Human progress and experiences indicate similar copycat modeling. People follow the leader.

We have been saying all along that One Person One Vote (1P1V) wouldn’t happen in Somalia until Puntland showed the way. It is happening now with pilot vote registrations in Puntland towns of Eyl (Nugaal Region), Qardho (Karkaar Region) and Uffayn (Bari or Bareeda Region). If successful, all the rest of Puntland towns will follow this vote registration lead. This vote registration would be the first critical phase for general elections for state presidency and House of people’s Representatives. By experience, the rest of Somalia will follow Puntland experiment in democracy post-Civil War.
Stay tuned.
Have your say.

In the meantime, don’t forget to get your copies of the best selling books at https://amazon.com/author/ismailwarsame

WHY MOST SOMALI POLITICAL MEETINGS FAIL

Experiences have shown that most Somali meetings end up in failure for the simple reason of putting the cart before the horse – they address the elephant in the room first, before they deliberate on and agree upon the principles and setup of a system under which they would operate.

What is that elephant in the room? It is leadership. For successful talks, leadership should be treated as blank spaces to fill in at conclusion. Starting with a leadership contest is a recipe for collapse of the meeting, based on Somali experience – any conference that started with leadership competition had failed. Formation of Federal Member States didn’t start with leadership rivalry – this came up much later in the deliberations.

Enter the National Consultative Summit now taking place at Mogadishu Afysione. Some observers are already worried. They see jockeying for power is now underway. This is on the top of the issues in the electoral impasse begging for quick resolutions. However, fierce campaigns for presidential aspiration are overshadowing the objectives of the Summit – bridging the gaps in the electoral process.

Prime Minister Roble was enjoying a modicum of unity from Hawiye Presidential Candidates until now, for the fear that their disunity helps Farmajo’s chances. But, Farmajo knows full well that Hawiye unity is fake, and he is working day and night to sow seeds of doubt and disarray in the ranks and file of Hawiye Co. Farmajo’s proxies like Qoor Qoor are already busy blasting clannish bombshells within Hawiye in a series of highly loaded tribal dinners and meetings, on the sideline in Mogadishu. These tribally charged meetings by Sacad politicians would act as harbinger for what is coming up in retaliation by other sub-clans of Habargidir, to be followed by similar fragmentations of Mudullood Hawiye. These are bad omens for the electoral process.

One thing is sure, however, collapse of this Summit isn’t an option. No matter how going gets taugh, Somalis and international community wouldn’t allow this to happen this time around. There is no room for failure. The sticking issues in the electoral process should be resolved quickly and in this session.

Stay tuned for more comments and critical analysis.
In the meantime, have your say.

WORTH REPEATING IT?

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2021/04/23/the-existential-threat-to-somalia-and-its-people/

Somalia: Briefing and Consultations

What’s In Blue

Posted Mon 24 May 2021

Tomorrow morning (25 May), the Security Council is scheduled to meet in person in the Security Council chamber for an open briefing, followed by closed consultations, on the situation in Somalia. Special Representative and head of the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) James Swan and Special Representative of the AU Commission Chairperson for Somalia and head of the AU Assistance Mission for Somalia (AMISOM) Francisco Madeira will brief on the latest political, security and humanitarian developments in the country. They will also brief on the work of UNSOM and AMISOM. The report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Somalia (S/2021/485) was submitted to Council members on 19 May and covers developments from 10 February to 7 May.

During tomorrow’s meeting, Council members are expected to take stock of the turbulent political situation in Somalia. On 27 April, facing intense domestic and international pressure, Somali President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed “Farmajo” reversed his 13 April decision to extend his presidential term and the term of the House of the People, Somalia’s lower house, by another two years. Farmajo had justified the move with the need for more time to organise direct (one-person, one-vote) presidential and parliamentary elections, after preparations had stalled for indirect elections in line with the 17 September 2020 Agreement between the federal government and five of its federal member states. The 17 September Agreement stipulates that the country will hold indirect legislative and presidential elections—whereby clan representatives elect members of the House of the People, which in turn elects the president—instead of direct one-person, one-vote elections, due to security and logistical challenges.

Somalia’s Prime Minister, Mohamed Hussein Roble, has stated his readiness to implement the 17 September Agreement. On 20 May, he convened a consultative meeting between the federal government and its member states, which is still ongoing at the time of writing, to discuss various issues related to the elections. All leaders of the federal member states are in attendance. The issues discussed are expected to include disagreements over the composition of the electoral management bodies, the selection of Somaliland representatives, the management of elections in the Gedo region of Jubaland, and the technical modalities for holding the elections.

Security Council members may want to hear from Swan about progress towards the holding of indirect elections, associated timelines and potential UN support for the electoral process, with a view to full implementation of the 17 September Agreement. Given their emphasis on consensus-based solutions to avoid another political stalemate between the federal government and its member states, some Council members may want to learn more about the ongoing consultative meeting on the elections, and about any efforts to increase dialogue and foster an environment of mutual trust between the Somali government and the different regions of the country.

Council members are united in their call for a return to the provisions of the 17 September Agreement, and they are likely to show unified support for the ongoing consultative meeting. However, members may hold different views regarding the role of the Council in facilitating consensus between the federal government and its member states in the matter of the elections. Some may emphasise that this is an internal affair where the Council should tread lightly, while others may maintain that the Council will have to continue to play an active and engaged role in helping Somalia through the political difficulties.

The challenging security and humanitarian situations in Somalia will likely also be a focus of the meeting. The report of the Secretary-General noted a monthly average of 275 security incidents and a total of 260 civilian casualties, including 116 persons killed and 144 wounded, during the reporting period. Al-Shabaab continued to be the main driver of the unstable security environment. The population faces drought in some areas of the country, increasing levels of food insecurity and violence-induced internal displacement.

Council members may wish to learn from Madeira how AMISOM is preparing for the upcoming electoral period and about any progress made towards handing over security responsibilities to the Somali security forces in accordance with the Somalia Transition Plan (STP). Efforts are underway to develop a joint Somalia National Army (SNA)-AMISOM operationalisation plan to fully implement the STP’s provisions. A review of AMISOM’s Concept of Operations (CONOPS) was mandated by the Council in resolution 2568, to be completed and submitted to Council members in August. The financing of security operations may also be of interest, as the Secretary-General’s report draws attention to the depletion by June of the UN Trust Fund in support of SNA forces in joint operations with AMISOM. An independent AU assessment of AMISOM is currently being conducted and is due by the end of this month.

The question of continued financial support to AMISOM has repeatedly been a subject of Council members’ interventions. African members Kenya, Niger and Tunisia, along with Saint Vincent and the Grenadines (the A3 plus one), have frequently argued in favour of financing AMISOM operations through assessed contributions and had requested a reference to such contributions as a possible option for future AMISOM financing in resolution 2568, which reauthorised the mission until the end of this year. The request was not accepted, however.

The regional dynamics of the situation in Somalia will also be of interest to Council members, who may want to hear about future AU involvement in the country. On 22 April, Somalia criticised AU Peace and Security Council discussions on the situation in the country, claiming that Djibouti and Kenya were both attempting to adversely influence the outcome of the meeting. Somalia initially welcomed the appointment by the AU of former Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama as an AU special envoy assigned to help Somalia’s political stakeholders find a mutually acceptable compromise to the country’s electoral impasse. However, Somalia subsequently withdrew its support for Mahama, indicating that AU engagement was no longer needed after it had renewed its commitment to the 17 September Agreement and that the envoy should be impartial with no prior connections to the region, after having alleged that Mahama had strong links with Council member Kenya

WHAT DO FARMAJO, ABYI AND AFEWERKI HAVE IN COMMON?

1. They are for strong central governments in their respective countries.

2 They are anti-federalist and anti-devolution of power.

3 They are tin-pot dictators.

4. They repressive demagogues.

5. They have agreed to seize Somalia through joint military force under the pretext of propping up Farmajo, but, perhaps with wider strategic political objectives.

5. They have regional, political and strategic designs for East Africa, replacing IGAD as a regional block.

6. Ironically, each of them came to power through deceptive populism and false promises of better government and life for their respective peoples.

7 in the end, each of them had turned out to be the enemy of the people. They must be stopped before they do more harm.

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WOMAN STANDING IN SOMALI SOCIETY

Somalia has been always male-dominated society.
Women are still unpreviledged and nearly unrepresented at all levels of decision-making political bodies, but first and foremost in traditional leadership, in particular. There are no women traditional leaders in all Somali clans and regions, and this is the core of the problem in woman standing in Somali society. In a nutshell, a woman has no voice in Somali traditional governance, and this is the major factor as to why women are under-represented politically.
As the Civil War broke out in 1991, and even before that as armed opposition struggle against tyranny of Military Regime started a decade earlier, women and kids had suffered most, on the one hand, and women became the breadwinners of families as men either went to war or fell prey to societal epidemic of qat-chewing addictions and abandoned family responsibilities, on the other hand.
Fledgling federalism in Somalia has restored relative peace to regions and therefore alleviated the pains and suffering of families, empowering women and giving some voice in getting some women and minorities elected to political bodies – still not enough though, and it is a long shot to go to achieve fair play and plane field for all in this country
Attempts to empower women in Somalia by international organizations, local non-state actors and representatives of foreign missions are viewed negatively here by male-dominated Somali society. This negative perception is about harm being done to Somali traditional values on woman belonging to the household rather than becoming a leader in the society. There is a strong pushback from men to maintain the status quo. This is a major obstacle to women empowerment and I believe it will take many generations to change the existing centuries-old societal attitudes and cultural barriers towards gender equality in Somalia.

To achieve parity with men and claim their Allah-given human and civic rights, Somali women should challenge their fathers, husbands, sons, brothers and men colleagues why they aren’t being recognized as equal partners.

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GLOBALIZATION IN SECURITY CHECKS – UNCONVENTIONAL TOOLS INTRODUCED TO SOMALIA

Consultations or Campaigns? Puntland at a Political Crossroads

Puntland is once again being summoned—to halls, forums, and carefully curated “consultations.” The Puntland State Presidency and the President Said Abdullahi Deni, have opened their doors to intellectuals, former public office holders, segments of the youth, and—selectively—traditional elders. The optics are impressive. The question is brutal: is this statesmanship, or is it federal electioneering in […]

Somalia: Back to Warlordism: When Mandates Expire but Power Refuses to Leave

Welcome back to the 1990s—where constitutions are decorative, term limits are optional, and mandates expire quietly while leaders cling loudly.Somalia has perfected a political magic trick: elections without exits. The calendar moves forward, mandates run out, and yet the chairs remain warm—occupied by men who insist that legality is a suggestion and power is a […]

BREAKING (UNVERIFIED)

BOSASO/GAROWE — A set of unverified social-media posts is fueling speculation that Saudi Arabia is preparing a major strategic opening toward Puntland, including maritime-security cooperation and large-scale investment tied to ports and logistics.The posts — presented as “high-level intelligence assessments” — allege Riyadh has offered Puntland priority access to a Saudi “African Investment Fund” reportedly […]

Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya: When the “Future” Applies for a Visitor’s Pass to the Past

Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya was announced with trumpet blasts and heroic adjectives. An alternative leadership, we were told. A corrective lens for a broken state. A platform bold enough to say what Villa Somalia refuses to hear. In short, the Future finally arrived—only to ask politely for permission to sit next to the Past. Now comes […]

REMARKS ON THE 1998 CHARTER OF PUNTLAND

Source: SOMALIA WATCH By Federico Battera, Saturday, August 12, 2000 UNDOS Research Specialist, Professor Development Studies – University of Trieste, ItalySummary and purposesThe crisis of the State in Africa goes back to the early 80s: postcolonial African state has been neither able ‘to rule’ economy, nor territorial policy. Ethnicity has spread all over the continent. […]

The Mental Split: Why Some Puntlanders Can’t Hold Puntland and Somalia in the Same Head

WAPMEN EDITORIAL There is a quiet but corrosive confusion eating away at Puntland society — not a military threat, not a fiscal collapse, but a mental fracture. Many residents have reached a breaking point where they can no longer hold two ideas at once: Puntland and Somalia.One thinker once asked: “Who can keep two opposing […]

From Consultation to Congress: Puntland Must Rise to the Moment

EDITORIALToday’s all-day consultation convened by the President of Puntland State of Somalia, Said Abdullahi Deni, was not an ordinary meeting. It was a rare convergence of accumulated state memory: former cabinet ministers, ex-parliamentarians, veteran security commanders, and leading intellectuals—nearly one hundred minds shaped by war, peace, institution-building, and the hard lessons of Somali federalism. Such […]

Somalia’s Perpetual Crisis: How Exclusion and Short-Term Power Doomed the State

Somalia’s tragedy is not merely one of collapse, but of an unending cycle of failed rebirths. The state did not fail solely because it lacked governments or resources. It has consistently failed to rebuild because its would-be architects—across the political spectrum and the clan map—have repeatedly chosen factional control over inclusive nation-building. The conduct of […]

13 Years of WDM (now WAPMEN) — Fearless, Independent, Uncompromising

Thirteen years ago, Warsame Digital Media (WDM) was born out of a simple but dangerous idea: tell the truth, even when power is uncomfortable with it.What began as a modest digital platform has grown into a trusted voice for independent Somali journalism, policy analysis, and unapologetic commentary—often standing alone when silence was safer, and conformity […]

White Paper: Colonial Treaties, Clan Territories, and the Limits of Unilateral Sovereignty Claims in Northern Somalia

Executive SummaryThis policy paper examines the legal status of colonial-era treaties between the British administration and northern Somali clans and assesses their relevance to post-1991 sovereignty claims. It argues that these treaties collectively established the British Somaliland Protectorate as a colonial administrative unit, not clan-owned sovereign entities. All such treaties were extinguished by the 1960 […]

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Kat (aka Qat, Chat, Khat) is Grave National Security Threat to Somalia

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