Patriotic trolling: how governments endorse hate campaigns against critics

(Credit: The Guardian)

Carly Nyst

Yassmin Abdel-Magied’s experience matches those of journalists and activists around the world targeted by online hate mobs trying to suppress criticism of those in power

  • Carly Nyst is a technology and human rights consultant
Youth Without Borders founder and Sudanese-born engineer Yassmin Abdel-Magied on the ABC’s Q&A program.

The story is increasingly a familiar one: a journalist or activist speaks out against the status quo, and is confronted with a barrage of abusive and violent remarks online. Public figures, representing the status quo under threat, encourage or endorse the abuse, either through action or inaction. The target of the attack is intimidated into silence. The status quo holds strong.Advertisement

That is the story of Yassmin Abdel-Magied, engineer, writer and social advocate, who was bombarded with hateful Twitter and Facebook posts after several outspoken remarks brought her within the crosshairs of Australian politicians. It is also the story of dozens of other journalists and activists across the world. Each of them has been the target of online hate mobs wielding violent and abusive threats in an attempt to suppress legitimate criticism of those in power.

Antoun Issa Read more

In some countries, the state itself incites such attacks, urging its supporters to exploit the virility and familiarity of social media to amplify government messages and take down dissenting voices. In other cases, the government’s role is more oblique; individual politicians and media personalities fuel online campaigns aimed to discredit critics, while the government leverages the incident for political gain.

Each of these is a case of what we call “patriotic trolling”. An international research coalition, of which I am part, has been studying this phenomena for over a year, working to catalogue and dissect these attacks in an attempt to describe their origins and impacts in a forthcoming report.Advertisement

In countries from Venezuela to Turkey, Ecuador to India, we have documented cases in which journalists and activists have been deliberately targeted with violent, misogynistic and hateful messages online at the behest, or with the endorsement or implicit approval, of the state. Armed with memes and hashtags, and deploying not only abusive language but bots, malware and doxing, patriotic trolls seek to muzzle, discredit and abuse those who criticise or advocate against the status quo.

The attack against Abdel-Magied resembles others we have documented against journalists in China, Finland and India

Abdel-Magied’s case is emblematic of what is arguably the most insidious form of patriotic trolling attacks, in which government-backed actors fuel existing social media campaigns, manipulate public biases, and leverage online abuse for offline intimidation. In Abdel-Magied’s case, a blaze of social media abuse in response to a controversial Anzac Day tweet was further fuelled by a tweet by a member of parliament, George Christensen, who encouraged Abdel-Magied to consider “self-deportation” and called for her firing from a casual presenting position at the ABC. Australia’s immigration minister, Peter Dutton, called the activist a “disgrace” and welcomed the subsequent cancellation of her television show.

The attack against Abdel-Magied resembles others we have documented against journalists in China, Finland and India; like the Australian writer, those journalists were likewise sent death threats, rape threats and videos of beheadings. The attack also contains echoes of patriotic trolling campaigns in Turkey, where pro-government media personalities have sparked Twitter attacks against journalists reporting on the Gezi Park protests and the July 2016 coup attempts.

In Turkey we witnessed the increasing sophistication of patriotic trolling attacks over just a few short years: whereas early attacks were ignited by ruling party figures, over time they have appeared increasingly remote from the government, as the task of inciting and fuelling patriotic trolling attacks shifted to pro-government media proxies.

The auto-virility of patriotic trolling campaigns is one of their most disturbing features: states need only implicitly encourage patriotic trolling campaigns, referencing them with approval or leveraging them for political gain, to create an environment in which online hate mobs will self-ignite and self-sustain in pursuit of the government’s own objectives.Advertisement

The emergence of patriotic trolls puts at risk human rights and values that are critical to the proper functioning of any democracy. Patriotic trolling attacks undermine the rights of individuals to freely impart and receive ideas, of journalists to report free from arbitrary influence, and of activists to live free from invasions of their privacy and personal safety.

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But these campaigns harbour an even more pernicious import. Among the many promises that technology offers, there is this: as the ability of governments to control information is subverted, despotic regimes will no longer thrive under the cover of media censorship and state propaganda. A worldwide web of internet-connected flashlights will illuminate the dark places where human rights violations multiply and evil flourishes, so the promise goes. With the help of technology we may never see another Pol Pot, another Pinochet, or another Hitler, again.

Yet, although this may be the reality that we want (and, as a privacy advocate, I’m not sure it is), without widespread and radical change, it will certainly not be the reality we get. Instead, governments the world over are co-opting digital technologies to serve their own ends, with perverse consequences for human rights. Having ceded control of information, states are seeking to exploit its abundance: monitoring their citizens online, manipulating social media, spying on journalists and activists and, now, sending online hate mobs after those who would criticise them.

Online platforms and the mainstream media both have a responsibility to deprive patriotic trolling campaigns of the exposure and sensationalism that feeds them. But we, ordinary citizens, also have a role to play; we must take a more critical and investigative eye to what we too often cynically cast as innocuous and isolated instances of online harassment. Otherwise, we may never see another Martin Luther King, another Glenn Greenwald, another Yassmin Abdel-Magied.

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The FARMAAJO’S POPULIST PHENOMENON


OCTOBER 21,

President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo, like Donald J. Trump, is a populist thriving in symbolism, empty slogans on patriotism and revolutionary flavour. Farmaajo became the Prime Minister of Transitional Federal Government under Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed through the lobbying of family connections from Farmaajo’s wife.  He was born to a low-income family, unlike Trump, and raised in Mogadishu. His father, Farmaajo Senior, was a gate-keeper at Public Works Ministry in the civilian Somali government before it was overthrown by General Siyaad Barre of the same sub-clan of Mareexaan as Farmaajo. A military dictatorship, practising nepotism and cronyism gave Farmaajo’s family the first break from poverty. 

As young adolescent, Farmaajo junior and his playmates ran into legal problems. The family had persuaded the Military Despot to post this youth to Foreign Service in the Embassy of the Somali Democratic Republic in Washington DC, thus allowing him to escape from a criminal liability in Mogadishu. He was granted political asylum in the USA as the Somali Government had collapsed in January 1991.

Farmaajo’s formative years had witnessed public deceptive slogans of Siyaad Barre’s “Kacaan” (Revolution), and under-handed operations of the ruling family, whereby secret family consultations were held at night and decisions implemented during the day – frequently sending pre-eminent and public figures to jail in the wee hours of the night, many never coming back to their loved ones. This was widely and extensively practised throughout the existence of the dictatorship for twenty-one years.Thousands had perished in maximum security jails like “labaatan-Jirow”. Many others were purged and destroyed, while hundreds of thousands fled the country to all directions of worldwide for their own safety. Somalia now, even the under the occupation of thousands of foreign troops disguised as AMISOM, doesn’t send out such huge number of refugees, fleeing from repression by their own government as Siyaad Barre’s. Farmaajo has sympathy and antipathy for certain politicians and sub-clans in the country. This personal characteristic explains also his anti-federalist policies and attitude. Welcome to Confederalism! If that wouldn’t solve his problem for good, then only a psychiatrist could try to help him.

Young Farmaajo grew up in the atmosphere of a dictatorship, where kangaroo courts, hand-picked rubber-stamp parliament and personal fear for life, devoid of any civil liberties, were supreme daily occurrences. Unexplainable in Farmaajo’s strange populist phenomenon includes the fact that many young Somalis in the country and within the diaspora, ignorant of the country’s recent ugly history, are engaged in advocacy for N&N deceptive social media misinformation. The sudden erection and unmasking of nationalistic statues in Mogadishu these days to coincide with the anniversary of Siyaad coup d’etat, while the entire country is in dire situation, are powerful tools and deceptive political symbolisms par excellent by a demagogue. The whole exercise is to misdirect the people’s concerns with what is happening with Somalia-Kenya Maritime Dispute.

Fond of specious mask and using propaganda that he stood for the interest of the common man and country in an uninformed and gullible society, and portraying himself as a different patriotic politician, who was paying soldiers on time and caring for the veterans of 1977-1978 Ogaden War with Ethiopia, he rode on a strange phenomenon of rare populism in Mogadishu, and to some extent, Somalia.

His popularity in Mogadishu became apparent after he was unceremoniously fired by joint decisions of Sheikh Sharif Ahmed and Sharif Hassan Adan as result of what is known as the Kampala Accord.

Surprisingly, certain sections of Mogadishu residents led by Murursade, his wife’s sub-clan, employing the grievances of disabled War Veterans occupying Di Martino Hospital, and hired IDPs in Mogadishu camps, rose up in public demonstrations, decrying the dismissal of Farmaajo as the Prime Minister. Mogadishu politicians had noticed Farmaajo’s popularity phenomenon.

Competing factions within President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud Damul-Jadid Government were on loggerheads as who would replace just fired Prime Minister Abdiweli Sheikh, with Fahad Yassin and Farah Abdulkadir competing for influence. Farah Abdulkadir had won the battle, but not the war. Fahad’s anti-Hassan and anti-Farah political campaign had ended up Farmaajo’s win of the Presidency in 2017, when on the eve of the election night, nearly 60 MPs close to Daljir Party suddenly switched from Sheikh Sharif’s Presidential candidacy to Farmaajo’s.

Now that Farmaajo is the President of Somalia, all other branches of the government, the Parliament and Judiciary are as paralyzed as they were during the Regime of Siyaad Barre.This had resulted in total political stalemate in the country. It won’t stay that way. Something has to happen soon. We only pray for the better.


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@ismailwarsame


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Correction: an early version of this essay wrote incorrectly “Farmaajo’s election as President in 2016. “Daljir Party” was said to be the face of Union of Islamic Courts supported by Turkey. It was managed by Ahmed Moallim Fiqi during the presidency of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, with the knowledge of Sheikh Sharif, who hooked them up with Turkey. Ahmed Fiqi briefly got appointed Chief of Staff at Villa Somalia before he was pushed out by Fahad Yassin.