WDM EDITORIAL

Congratulations to the residents of Northwest Somalia (Somaliland) for conducting a peaceful election. We are hopeful that peaceful transfer of power will follow this democratic election. While direct elections through democratic process could be messy and difficult to mobilise and run, human societies couldn’t find a better system so far. Northwest Somali Regions are at crossroads now to either continue along the failed ambition of secession to come to the dead end, or rethink of another way forward with national reconciliation with the rest of the Somali population for a better future for all.

The Somali problem, however, isn’t about Somaliland secession, but Mogadishu’s  childlike problem, and until that is resolved, many other provinces of the country have no rational partners in genuine national reconciliation and power-sharing national mechanism.

WHY IS IT DIFFICULT TO BUILD A SOMALI  NATION-STATE?

Let us start from the basics. The Somali State, from its inception in July 1st, 1960, believed that Somali national independence was not complete until all parts of Somalia under foreign occupation unite to form a Somali nation-state. Any person of Somali origin from occupied parts of Greater Somalia is Somali citizen by constitution- that represented national security risks and unintended serious consequences for Somali State- an open border for foreign countries’ meddling into Somalia’s internal affairs and ready sources for recruitment by foreign intelligence and espionage agencies, first by Somali neighbours, and now internationally as Somalia had produced huge refugee population overseas. These hostile intelligence networks, active measures, and  operations continue to weaken Somalia and undermine its government.

Secondly, Somali leaders never have had a vision to move the country forward, taping into people’s aspirations for a viable nation-state. Only pre-independence SYL (Somali Youth League) party came close to that visionary definition, but ran short because of lack of education and impact of destructive neo-colonialism after securing the independence and unification of British and Italian Somalilands. Neo-colonialism used clan rivalry successfully to divide Somalis again. Clan identity became the norm in Somali politics. The whole nation is built on contradictions and distrust whose roots are clan rivalries and hatred between clans. Can they put their houses in order to form a nation-state?

That distrust amidst Somali population was exacerbated by military coup  in 1969 with its ring leaders falsely claiming patriotism and carrying up national banners, but in reality, they were tribalistic and sinophobic.  As the dictatorship had finally collapsed in 1991 as a result, tribal warlords took over, putting fire on fuel for tribal warfare, leading to a civil war and ethnic cleansing in some parts of the country.

Some sections of the Somali population, especially members of minority clans, sought protection and refuge in extremist organizations like Al-Shabab and ISIS. Others sought where to belong to and joined the spreading Tariqa fights within the population.

Next time you encounter a Somali polician with any sort of political and security power, check his security detail to find out the entire team belongs to the same clan. Why? Because of two subscribed conditions: a) He doesn’t trust other clan members for his own security. b) It is employment opportunities for his clan’s men. General Siyad Barre, always security paranoid and afraid of his own people, devised and resorted to such VIP security protection. Somali politicians after him were quick to copy Barre’s ways and methods.

Now, it is clear that under these conditions, there is hardly any space available for national reconciliation leading to the establishment of a nation-state.