Day: November 17, 2024

A LETTER TO THE EDITOR

Dear Editor,

I read WDM’s piece with interest on the imaginary Nomadia Government. The article describes well the historical and present-day sad reality of Puntland State, in particular, and Somalia’s mal-governance, in general.

It appears that “democracy” is proposed in the article as a possible panacea to complex and multi-faceted political and social problems. Quick questions come to mind: Would it work? If so, at what conditions? Allow me to share my views based on empirical evidence from the field.

Eight years ago, Hayaan Institute commissioned a field research project to study the origins, effects and ramifications of mal-governance in Somalia with a case study on various aspects of (political and administrative) corruption in Puntland. The study consisted of several complementary components: 1) Literature review, 2) Puntland-wide public survey, 3) Key Informants Interviews (KIIs – which included three sub-sets of heavy-weight subject matter experts from the public, private, and civil society sectors), and, 4) Focus Group Discussions (FGDs).

Apart from the finding and other detailed insights on the anatomy and physiology of corruption, mal-governance, lack of accountability, and near-total impunity (i.e. the cornerstones underpinning at the time the prevailing de facto state capture in Puntland and the rest of Somalia), the researchers had to document people’s views on potential solutions to the identified hundred-headed monster of the apparently purposefully engineered and nurtured perpetual mal-governance syndrome.

In this respect, experts (KIIs) and average citizens alike pointed out an imagined “multi-party democracy” as an all-in-one solution. At the time, as researchers, we thought we had hit the much sought-after jackpot to improve governance, and per extension the living standards and well-being of the Puntland State citizens.

Retrospectively, however, we now know that the imagined multi-party democracy can be equally mal-governed and manipulated to the extent the outcome makes the situation even worse than the worst dictatorship for it strengthens the grip of state capture by offering a false democratic legitimacy in eyes of the public.

Based on the foregoing discussion, it is perhaps time to re-assess and redefine the illusive “multi-party democracy” in the socio-political and cultural context of Puntland (and the rest of Somalia). Whose democracy are we talking about? What are the rules of the game that make elections a truly democratic exercise with the desired outcome? How do we define a political party in the first place, and what are the conditions it has to meet? How high do we set the bar when it comes to quality of the electoral laws or (the criteria of selection of) electoral commissions? Unless we get these and other basic conditions right, I am afraid that what is called multi-party democracy in Somalia is a futile exercise, much to the detriment of the public interest. To the contrary, it can quite paradoxically reinforce the above-described problematic status quo.

By Bashir M. Hussein.

ON THE RECORD: AHMED HUSSEIN DIRIR

Canada’s minister for International Development. Take a listen:

NOMADIA GOVERNMENT LOSES ITS WAY IN SOMALIA

By WDM — Published November 17, 2024

In Somalia, the concept of “Nomadia”—a fusion of pastoral democracy and modern statecraft—was meant to provide a governance model grounded in both tradition and effective civil administration. However, reality has fallen far short of our aspirations. Today, institutions are largely dysfunctional, serving symbolic roles while power has become dangerously concentrated in the hands of a single political figure.

With unrestrained control over the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, this leader has effectively sidelined traditional authorities, undermining the very foundation of Somali pastoral democracy.

Public institutions designed to ensure accountability—such as the Public Service Commission or vetting mechanisms in security—have collapsed. Even when this political figure remains unresponsive for days, no one dares intervene, reflecting a troubling culture of fear and inertia.

When traveling abroad, they act unilaterally, often without forming official delegations or reporting back to Parliament. This has created a governance culture known locally as Madax-ka-Nool, or “nothing moves without the president’s nod,” coined in Puntland to describe this debilitating micromanagement. Parliament has become a rubber stamp, lacking real oversight and access to independent auditors or accountants.

Consequently, development, social services, and humanitarian efforts rely almost entirely on aid from international organizations—funds that have diminished due to global crises like the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East. Without a domestic budget to sustain essential services, life in many parts of our country is at a standstill.

Within this environment, some government officials exhibit disturbing cruelty, seeming to derive pleasure from the suffering of others. Procurement processes are chaotic, and the rule of law has become hollow. Religious, civic, and personal rights are treated as negotiable rather than fundamental.

Amid institutional collapse, clan loyalty has supplanted allegiance to the constitution—becoming the default means of survival and support for many Somalis. Until we rebuild genuinely representative institutions, perfected through fair elections and real public suffrage, this situation is unlikely to improve. But these reforms cannot take hold while our public institutions remain fragile and manipulated.