Akhriso Khudbadii New York ee Isniinta “Madaxweyne Xasan Sheikh oo Warbixin u Gudbiyay Wadamada daneeya Soomaaliya

Madaxweynaha Dowlada Federaalka Soomaaliya Xasan Sheikh oo Shirwaynaha Qaramada Midoobey ka qayb galaya ayaa shalay oo isniin ah wuxuu warbixin ku saabsan Soomaaliya uu u gudbiyey Shir gaaban oo Wadamada daneeya ay u qabteen Arimaha Soomaaliya kasoo ka dhacay isla Xarunta Qaramada Midoobey ee New York oo uu hada Madaxweynuhu ku sugan yahay. Khudbadii Madaxweynaha…

Source: Akhriso Khudbadii New York ee Isniinta “Madaxweyne Xasan Sheikh oo Warbixin u Gudbiyay Wadamada daneeya Soomaaliya

Watch “TODOBAADKA IYO TORONTO SOO DHAWAYNTII CALI XAAJI WARSAME” on YouTube

EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW BY ALI HAJI WARSAME

Watch “TODOBAADKA IYO TORONTO WASIIR KII HORE EE WAXBARASHADA PUNTALND” on YouTube

BIOGRAPHY OF HON. ALI HAJI WARSAME

Ali Haji Warsame is a distinguished executive, certified professional, and former Minister of Education/Higher Education of Puntland State of Somalia. With extensive expertise in accounting, auditing, and public finance management, he is a highly motivated and results-driven leader. He holds full membership in prestigious professional bodies, including the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA), Chartered Global Management Accountant (CGMA), and Certified Accounting Technician (CAT).
Political Career and Leadership
Ali Haji Warsame is a respected political figure who contested the Presidency of Puntland State of Somalia in January 2014. In a highly competitive election, he emerged as a leading candidate, earning the trust and respect of his peers. His opponents, recognizing his leadership qualities, appointed him as their spokesperson to address contentious election issues and disputes with the incumbent President, Abdirahman Faroole. His adept conflict resolution skills were instrumental in ensuring a peaceful and democratic transition of power on January 8, 2014, averting potential election violence. Through this process, he garnered widespread support and confidence from the people of Puntland.

Family Background
Ali Haji Warsame hails from a prominent and respected family in Somalia. His father, the late Haji Warsame Ahmed Gurey Jowjowle, was a renowned jurist, judge, religious leader, thinker, community activist, and politician who actively contributed to Somalia’s independence struggle in the 1940s and 1950s. His mother, Lady Aisha Haji Mohamud Omar Siigacade, is from the Sool Region and is the niece of the late Ali Barre Omar, a celebrated community leader whose legacy includes the iconic Ceel Ali Barre, a vital community well in Laas Caanood. Ali Haji Warsame spent his early years in Mogadishu and Hargeisa, where he completed his primary education. He originates from Mudugh, a uniquely diverse and multi-clan region of Somalia.
Vision for Somalia
Politically, Ali Haji Warsame is a firm believer in Somalia’s potential for a brighter future. He is committed to resolving the nation’s current challenges through cooperation, trust-building, and visionary leadership among its leaders.

Professional Achievements
Minister of Education/Higher Education, Puntland State of Somalia
During his tenure as Minister of Education/Higher Education, Ali Haji Warsame spearheaded transformative reforms in Puntland’s education sector. Key accomplishments include:
Overseeing the implementation of government policies to improve education standards.
Introducing centralized curriculum and final examinations for all public schools.
Securing increased funding to enhance the Ministry’s operational capabilities.
Strengthening partnerships with international donors and educational institutions to promote accessible, quality education for all in Puntland.
Successfully chairing major state, regional, and international conferences on education.

Private Sector Leadership
Ali Haji Warsame has a proven track record in the private sector. He served as the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Golis Telecom Somalia, the largest telecommunications company in Puntland, from May 2012 to October 2013. Under his leadership, the company achieved significant financial and operational improvements. Prior to this, he held various senior management roles, including:
Senior Consultant/Partner at Falcon Associates Ltd (UK).
Auditor/Senior-in-Charge at Abu Dhabi Accountability Authority (UAE).
Financial Controller at Abu Dhabi Educational Zone, Ministry of Education (UAE).
Director of Bosaso Port, Somalia.

Current Role
Ali Haji Warsame currently serves as the Goodwill Ambassador of Puntland Education, a role conferred upon him by the employees, management, and teachers of the Puntland Ministry of Education in recognition of his outstanding contributions to the sector. Mr. AH Warsame is a Member of National Committee for the Defence of the National Unity and Territorial Integrity of Somalia, and
Executive Director of Hill Institute.

EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND
Ali Haji Warsame is well-versed in Islamic studies, with a deep understanding of values such as tolerance, peace, social justice, reconciliation, human dignity, and equality. His academic and professional qualifications include:
Bachelor of Science (B.Sc.) in Accounting and Management – Somali Institute of Development Administration and Management (November 1990).
Certified Public Accountant (CPA) – Delaware State Board of Accountancy, USA (1998–1999).
Master of Business Administration (MBA) in Management Information Systems – American University, London, UK (2002–2003).
Certified Accounting Technician (CAT) – Association of Chartered Certified Accountants (ACCA), UK (2002).
Assessor Certification – City & Guilds, UK.
PROFESSIONAL MEMBERSHIPS
American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA).
Somali Association of Certified Accountants.
LANGUAGE SKILLS
Somali: Native or bilingual proficiency.
English: Full professional proficiency.
Arabic: Full professional proficiency.
VOLUNTEER EXPERIENCE
Ali Haji Warsame is deeply committed to philanthropy and community development. His volunteer contributions include:
Providing basic training to youth and adult learners in Puntland.
Serving as a trustee for the UK-based charity MRDA, which supports fee waiver programs for low-income families and orphans in Africa. To date, over 500 students have benefited from this initiative.
Contributing to various charitable causes in Somalia and across Africa.

Torontonian Somalis welcome Hon. ALI HAJI WARSAME

https://www.dropbox.com/s/6ftqsx2udkjd7ro/downloadfile-3.pdf?dl=0

More Trade News in Brief Week 37 (7 – 13 September 2015)

Source: More Trade News in Brief Week 37 (7 – 13 September 2015)

THE VISIT OF THE FORMER PUNTLAND MINISTER OF EDUCATION, HON. ALI HAJI WARSAME, TO TORONTO, CANADA.

Jaaliyedda Soomaalida Kanada ee Toronto waxay isu diyaarinayaan soo dhaweynta Wasiirkii Hore ee Waxbarashada Puntland, Mudane Cali Xaaji Warsame. Wasiirkii wuxuu ku soo beeganyahay Toronto Bisha September 18-da, 2015.

Wasiir Cali Xaaji Warsame waa mas’uul hawl dhacalgal ah kasoo qabtay Wasaaradda Waxbarashada iyo Tacliinta Sare ee Dawladda Puntland, sida mideynta manhajka dugsiyada, mideynta Imtixaannada Shahaadiga ah, tayeynta tacliinta Puntland iyo barayaasha dugsiyada, xiriirka Wasaaradda iyo deeqbixiyaasha Beesha Aduunka, iyo waalidiinta ardada Puntland. Mudane Cali wuxu ku guuleystay in Dawladda Puntland kordhiso Miisaaniyeddii hawlaha Wasaaradda Waxbarashada.

Deeqbixiyaasha taageera tacliinta ee Beesha Caalamku waxay si kalsooni ah u aqoonsadeen waxqabadka Wasiir Cali mudadii koobnayd ee uu Wasaaradda Waxbarashada iyo Tacliinta uu hogaaminayey.

Canadian-Somalis in Toronto are preparing to welcome the Minister, Hon. Ali Haji Warsame.

 The Former Education Minister of Puntland State is scheduled to arrive Toronto, Canada, on September 18, 2015, on a private visit to the Canadian-Somali community.

FOREIGN POLICY ON AIPAC ON IRAN DEAL

Source: The Nation

AIPAC Spent Millions of Dollars to Defeat the Iran Deal. Instead, It May Have Destroyed Itself.

The powerful Israel lobby has been badly damaged, and that’s good news for both Palestinians and Israelis.

By M.J. Rosenberg SEPTEMBER 11, 2015

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses an AIPAC meeting at the Washington Convention Center. (AP Photo/Carolyn Kaster)

It is hard to exaggerate the damage inflicted on AIPAC by the congressional defeat of its efforts to torpedo the Iran nuclear deal. It is not as if AIPAC won’t live to fight again, because it will, but this defeat has ruptured the status quo, possibly forever.

The extent of its efforts to defeat the deal was unprecedented even for a lobby known for its no-holds-barred wars against past White House initiatives it considered unfriendly to Israel, going all the way back to the Ford administration. AIPAC, and its cutout Citizens For A Nuclear Free Iran, reportedly budgeted upwards of $20 million for a campaign that included flooding the airwaves with television spots; buying full-page newspaper ads, arranging fly-ins of AIPAC members to Washington, organizing demonstrations at offices of AIPAC-friendly members of Congress who were believed to be wavering, and ensuring that problematic legislators were officially warned by precisely the right donor. Rank-and-file AIPAC members were largely irrelevant to the process. Money did the talking, and also the yelling and the cursing when necessary. As one congressional staffer put it to me, “Taking money from AIPAC is like getting a loan from the mob. You better not forget to pay it back. They walk into this office like they own it.”

BENJAMIN NETANYAHU IS PLAYING WITH FIRE

M.J. Rosenberg

10 REASONS I’M PRAYING FOR AIPAC’S DECLINE

Medea Benjamin and Foreign Policy In Focus

AIPAC is not a mass-membership organization. It claims 100,000 members, which probably means it has fewer than that. But no matter, it is, or was until now, viewed as speaking for all 6 million American Jews. In fact, whenever it testifies on Capitol Hill, it says it is speaking for the entire organized community. The truth, however, is that 82 percent of American Jews belong to no Jewish organizations at all, meaning not only that there is no organization that speaks for them, but that no organization even knows exactly who they are.

Legislators believe that AIPAC is the Jewish voice because (again, until now) that is what they heard from their Jewish donors. Although only 4 to 6 percent of American Jews cast their votes based on Israel policy, and even though Jews have voted consistently Democratic since 1928 (about 70 percent voted for Barack Obama in 2008 and 2012), the donor class led by AIPAC has convinced politicians both that Jews are primarily interested in Israel and that their votes are in play, when, in reality, Jews are the most unwavering of Democrats, second only to African-Americans. And much the same dynamic is at play when it comes to Iran. In fact, the one scientific poll of Jews on attitudes toward the Iran deal showed 49 percent for it, with 31 percent against. (Writing in the September 9 Washington Post, Harold Meyerson explains exactly where the Jewish community stands today, a picture that is very different from the one painted by AIPAC.)

So why don’t politicians know this?

In 2008, I met with then Senator Barack Obama (I was working for a pro-Israel organization at the time) and asked him if he would, if elected president, listen to pro-peace Jewish voices on Israel or just AIPAC. He said, “I can’t hear you.” Taking him literally, I spoke louder.

He said, that no, what he meant was that, on Israel, he almost exclusively heard from the lobby. “Back home, I hear from my AIPAC friend, Rosenberg, every week. Is he your cousin? Anyway, your side needs to organize. You need to make your voice heard so I can’t ignore you.”

That wish was answered by J Street, which, with Obama’s help, has become the anti-AIPAC. J Street doesn’t have the money AIPAC has, and it probably never will. But during the battle over the Iran deal it acted as a counterweight to AIPAC, playing a major role in destroying both the media’s and Congress’s conception of a Jewish community united behind Netanyahu.

Those efforts played a role in AIPAC’s defeat, a process that really took off when Obama started inviting J Street to the White House whenever he met with the old-guard Jewish organizations like AIPAC, the American Jewish Committee, and the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations. Obama told me that he wanted progressive Jewish voices to speak louder; he didn’t say that he would create the amplifier. But he did.

But J Street didn’t do a fraction as much to defeat AIPAC as AIPAC and the Netanyahu government did themselves. Starting as far back as 2008, when the Israeli leadership first had to consider that Barack Obama would likely win the election, it did not take kindly to the president. Media reports told of Israelis being immune to the Obama mania that had seized the planet. Maybe it was his middle name or maybe something else. In 2012, Netanyahu all but endorsed Mitt Romney, allowing his associates to denigrate the president.

Netanyahu and his right-wing allies had a real shot at winning if they had not turned Israel into a Republican plaything.

Netanyahu’s animus came to a head when his ambassador to the United States arranged for him to speak to a joint meeting of Congress about Iran this past March, without even letting the White House know that the prime minister was planning a visit. Netanyahu came and—how else to put this?—dissed the president of the United States in his own capital.

At that moment, the battle against the Iran agreement became a partisan battle: Likud and the Republicans against the American president and the Democrats. That never changed. In the end, the majority of Republicans in Congress lined up against the deal, while all but a couple dozen Democrats lined up for it. The Israelis and the Republicans either forgot that they would need Democrats to win or thought that, with sufficient inducements, they would come around. Ultimately, they lost that bet.

Still, it was not preordained; Netanyahu and his allies on the American right had a real shot at winning if they had not turned Israel into a Republican plaything. But they crossed that Rubicon and it will be hard crossing back. The bipartisan love affair with Israel has cooled. In the future, AIPAC’s influence will depend, more than ever before, on whether or not legislators believe they can safely

AIPAC’s power is built on the belief that it cannot be challenged with impunity, a belief that is on the verge of being exposed as illusory. When Senator Chuck Schumer, AIPAC’s Senate enforcer on Israel-related issues, cannot even deliver his and New York’s junior senator, Kirsten Gillibrand, it is clear that the bad old days of lobby intimidation may be passing. When as stalwart an AIPAC supporter as Congresswoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz defects because she fears that choosing AIPAC over a Democratic president could cost her the post she holds as chair of the Democratic National Committee, the power dynamic has clearly changed. When Congressman Jerry Nadler, who represents more Orthodox Jews than any other member of Congress, tells AIPAC that he won’t be with them this time, it is impossible not to sense a political earthquake.

In 2014, it was hard to find a single Jewish member of Congress (not even Senator Bernie Sanders) who would break with AIPAC’s support for Israel’s war on Gaza. One year later, nine of 11 Jewish senators and most of the Jewish House members are bucking AIPAC and the Israeli government on, of all things, the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The Iran nuclear issue, more than any other, was one on which AIPAC could not afford to lose. That is because imposing and then maintaining sanctions on Iran has been the primary focus of the lobby for two decades. It was in 1994 that AIPAC published a 76-page policy document, “Comprehensive U.S. Sanctions Against Iran: A Plan for Action,” calling for legislation to impose a full embargo on trade with Iran by the United States, along with an added “secondary boycott” mechanism by which the United States would also impose sanctions on foreign entities that traded with Iran. By 1996, the AIPAC-drafted Iran-sanctions bill was law, made more comprehensive and onerous each time it was renewed.

True, AIPAC also uses its power to prevent US recognition of a Palestinian state, but in recent years Palestine has taken a back seat to Iran as the primary focus of the lobby. That may be because Iran is infinitely more of a threat to Israel’s regional interests than the Palestinians, or because it believes it is easier to achieve a consensus in the “pro-Israel” community against the hateful mullahs than the hapless Palestinians. After all, who could possibly believe that the Palestinians could imperil Israel’s existence? Yet that idea is central to AIPAC’s entire campaign against the Iran deal.

Ironically, and happily for those who had despaired of making headway on the Palestinian issue, AIPAC’s Iran defeat presages difficulties for the lobby on that front too. After this, it is harder to imagine Congress standing in mute silence, as it has in the past, the next time the Israeli government decides to teach the Palestinians another one of its bloody lessons about the need to accept occupation without resistance.

After AIPAC’s defeat, it is harder to imagine Congress standing in mute silence the next time Israel decides to invade Gaza.

But that depends on what happens now. I referred earlier to the belief, almost universally held in Congress, that legislators cannot defy AIPAC with impunity. I said that belief is on the verge of being shown to be an illusion. What I mean is this: Either legislators who supported the Iran deal (particularly those representing states or districts with a significant number of Jewish voters) face AIPAC-generated reelection difficulties in primaries or the general election, or AIPAC will be revealed to be nothing but a paper tiger.

After all, it is the fear of reelection problems that keeps most legislators in line. Even those from “safe” states or districts fear campaign funds’ being directed to their opponents or simply kept away from them.

That is how AIPAC works. Back in the 1980s, when I was an AIPAC employee, I shared an office with the staffer whose job was to advise both the pro-Israel PACs and the big individual donors on whom to give to and whom to boycott. AIPAC had lists of candidates to help and candidates to hurt, and it made its views known to anyone who asked and many who didn’t. No, it did not fund candidates itself but its staffers and wealthy captains around the country put out the definitive word on who was a friend and who was an enemy. Over the years, some of those enemies went down to defeat, but many more had to work surprisingly hard to  prevail over (suddenly) well-funded opponents.

Fortunately for AIPAC, there have never been that many “enemies” that needed punishment. There are few Israel-related votes and, when they have come along, few legislators vote “wrong.” The biggest Israel vote is on the Israel aid package, which is part of the overall foreign-aid budget and has not been controversial for years. Instead, the fear factor comes in on votes relating to aid to Palestinians; supporting and opposing a Palestinian state; Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and blockade of Gaza; and the idea of linking aid to Israel to its commitment to the peace process and human rights. It is on issues like these that Israel could claim the support of a thoroughly intimidated Congress. Until now, Iran policy was also on that list, with legislators rushing to curry support with AIPAC donors by taking a hard line on all issues related to Iran.

But not after this week. Suddenly AIPAC is being defied by hundreds of senators and representatives on an issue it has deemed a matter of life or death for Israel.

What does it do to maintain its deterrent capacity? Does it instigate primaries or steer campaign contributions away from most of the Democrats in Congress, including many who have been, until now, its closest allies? Or does it, accepting the impossibility of taking them all on, give them a pass? Or does it give some a pass and not others?

One thing is certain. The only way for AIPAC to remain the force it has been is by going after its enemies. And winning. And not just in 2016 but in 2018 and 2020, in a series of cycles of retribution. If it doesn’t do that, it will become a shell of its former self, only able to deliver noncontroversial votes on matters directly related to the survival of Israel and largely useless where US and Israeli security interests clash, as with Iran. That last category includes, most notably, the Palestinian issue, which has undermined US national interests for decades, but on which our hands have been tied by fear of AIPAC retribution.

At this point, no one can predict what will happen but I’ll venture a guess. AIPAC will not take on those who opposed it on Iran. On the contrary, it will try to get back in their good graces.

AIPAC’s defeat on the Iran deal is good news for everyone, including the State of Israel.

And the next time a vote comes up where legislators are torn, it is just possible that they will vote their conscience—one way or another—without worrying too much about what AIPAC will do. And that will be good news for everyone, including the State of Israel. But mostly for the United States.

ALI HAJI ARRIVAL AT SEATTLE, WASHINGTON.

See link: https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=10207777077132926&id=1473969186&ref=m_notif&notif_t=like&actorid=100002057100890

President Hassan Sh. Mohamud ‘ s Contempt of Jubaland

WHAT A SHAME OF HASSAN!

http://puntlandi.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/FB_IMG_1442047321567.jpg

“SHARIIF, INA SHARIIFKEE TAHAY” ?

http://www.wardheernews.com/shariif-ina-shariifkee-tahay/

“SHARIIF, INA SHARIIFKEE TAHAY”?

“Haduusan aabahaa Shariif ahaanjirin, dee aniguba Shariif baan ahay”. Su’aashaa waxaa Shariif Xasan weydiiyey Madaxweyne Cabdullaahi Yusuf. Shariif Xasan markaa wuxu ahaa Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaan Ku-Meel-Gaar ah ee Somalia. Su’aashu waxay salka ku hay’saa sicir-bararka madax-dhaqameedyada Somalia.

Dawladda Puntland ee asaas ahaan ka dhisantay madax-dhaqameedyada iyo waxgaradka dadweynaha gobollada midoobay, waxay dhaxashay sadex dabaqo ee madax-dhaqameed:

1. Soo jireen
2. Dawladdii Siyaad Barre ka abuurran
3. Gadaal ka abuurran aan joogsi la hayn

Mar haday door horseednimo ka qaateen aassaaskii dawladda, waxay noqdeen awood dawladda ka sareysa, qaarkoodna uba qaatay in dawladdu tahay shaqaale iyaga hoos imaanaya. Waxba kuma jabna taa, marka laga eego in dawladdu tahay adeeggaha dadweynaha. Waxayse arrintu dhib noqoneysaa markii madax-dhaqameedyadu soo frageliyaan hawl-maalmeedka iyo awoodda dastuuriga ah ee Dawladda, sida ka dhacday Puntland sanadaddii 2000-2001.

Waagaa, Islaan Maxamed Islaan Muuse ayaa fara-marooqsaday curadnimada madax-dhaqameed ee Harti, isagoo u maraya saldhigiisa Garowe ee ah Magaalo-madaxda Dawladda Puntland. Islaan Maxamed, markaa wuxu qaatay doorka Ayatullah-ga Puntland. Madaxweynaha Dawladdu, si joogta ah ayuu guriga Islaanka u soo booqanjirey, la tashi iyo salaanba. Xiriirkaa dhaw ee laba mas’uul , wuxu ku dambeeyey in Madaxweynihii Dawladda madaxnimada laga eryo.

Boqor Maxamuud Boor Muuse iyo Islaan Bashiir Islaan Cabdulle, labaduba waa ka curadsanyihiin Islaan Maxammed Islaan Muuse, marka laga eego Saldanada Majeerteen.
Boqor Maxammud wuxu ahaa nin ahlu diin ah, oo inuu duceeyo mooyee, wax kale aan danayn. Yeelkeede, waagaa sharkii waxaa u qaaday ninka marooqsaday Wakiilnimada Boqorka, Cabdullaahi Boqor Muuse “King Kong”,deedna isagu Boqorkii noqday. Islaan Bashiir waa nin dhawrsan, afgaaban, siyaasaddana iska ururiya, marar badanna diiday in isaga siyaasad loo adeegsado.

Waxa iyana jirey madax-dhaqameedyo kale oo aan tiro yareen, curadna ah, door weyna ka soo qaatay guullihii Puntland.

Dhibta madax-dhaqameedyadu waxay mar kale dawladda qabsatay, markii soo jeedin la dhex-keenay Golaha Wasiirrada in gunno loo qoondeeyo Issimada Puntland. Wasiirkii Arrimaha Gudaha, oo markaa ahaa Axmed Cabdi Xaabsade, ayaa ku adkaystay in A, B, C daraja ah loo qoondeeyo gunnada madax-dhaqameedyada, taa oo la isku mariwaayey, go’aankeedana Madaxtooyada Puntland loo daayey. Madaxtooyada uma cuntami soo jeedinta Wasiir Xaabsade ee A, B, C-da. Saf-balaaran ayey arrintu ku dambeysay.

Qoraal Ku Dar (Addendum) : Waxaa ka soo qayb-galay shirkii Imbagathi ee Kenya 2002-2004, Madax-dhqameedyood dhawr ah ee Beesha Mareexaan, kuwaa oo Ugaaska Guud ee Beeshu, Ugaas Cumar, ka carooday, Shirkiina uga kacay. Waxaa loo saaray madax-dhqameedyo uu hogaaminayo Garaad Saleemaanka Maxamuud Garaad/Dhulbahante, si ay u soo caro-celiyaan Ugaas Cumar. Ugaas Cumar waxa lagu yiri: “Waxaad tahay, Ugaas, soojireen. Waagii Siyaad Barre faragelinayey dhaqanka Soomaaliyeed, isaga oo magaccaabijirey madax-dhaqameedyo beeleed, waad ka aamustay. Kama aad celin Siyaad Barre, kamana aadan talin khatarta ay faragelintaa uleedahay dhaqanka Soomaaliyeed. Anagu, kuwii uu noo magaccaabey Siyaad Barre, ayaan iska qaadanay. Ugaas, adiguna tan aqbal”.

Qore: Ismail H. Warsame
E-mail: ismailwarsame@gmail.com

How Did We start Puntland Founding Administration?

The only office premise that existed in the entire North-Eastern Regions in August of 1998 was that of the Governor of Nugaal Region in Garowe.The Ruling Administration of SSDF in the Regions did not even have an office. We outlawed it immediately, among other Civil War organizations, in that part of Somalia.

To kick-start a novel regional state administration, we had to borrow an occupied vocational school away from the City of Garowe across the “Togga Manjo-Qarshe” to the North. I had personally established eight office rooms in the school building for sharing between the entire cabinet consisting of the President, Vice President and nine Cabinet Ministers. The only computers we used were my two personal HP laptops and a portable printer, running out of cartridges all the time. On the top of that, we were two billion and half Shillings in public debt, incurred in the holding of two major conferences: Consultative and Constitutional, extending to months of Congress deliberations. In addition, the International Community left us to our own device because of the inclusion of Sool and Sanaag in Congresses and state formation. SSDF leadership feverishly and strongly opposed to Sool and Sanaag joining Northeastern Regions. All Southern warlords were conspiring against us. Somaliland was threatening us because Sool and Sanaag issue. In other words, it was like starting from ground zero with a lot of insurmountable difficulties, sailing through storms in unfamiliar waters. We did not have the opportunity the formation of Somaliland enjoyed by taping into rich and committed overseas business communities in Arab Gulf, ready to liberate themselves from the “Southern Domination”. This may give some one an idea of how incredible our situation was at the time. One may think of Ethiopia giving us a helping hand to create Puntland State; Not at all, and not in any capacity.

Addendum: SSDF Chairman then, Mohamed Ashir Muse (Haabaan), did not believe that Daarood Bari (Eastern Darood) could stand alone on their own without the Hawiye in Mogadishu. Some Traditional Leaders led by Garaaad Abqani Garaad Jama were pushing for an Emirate type of administration for the New Regional State. We overcame a lot of other obstacles along the way.

Adjunct: That was how we modestly started Puntland with a lot of difficulties bravely met with persistence and lot of perseverance.

Postscript: On the top of that, we had to champion for and  lead the way for the re-institution and re-construction of the Failed State of Somalia. It was an historic mission, I believe, we had finally succeeded, despite it is yet a long way to march to the final victory.

Ismail H. Warsame

ismailwarsamegmail.com/@ismailwarsame

Ismail Warsame: 07 September 2015 – Morning Headlines

http://imailwarsame.blogspot.ca/2015/09/07-september-2015-morning-headlines.html?m=1

Fox News Embarrasses Dick Cheney On Iraq And Iran

http://m.huffpost.com/us/entry/55ec450de4b093be51bbb96f?ozzx5hfr&ncid=fcbklnkushpmg00000063

The Three Boundary Issues of Somalia

Source: The Three Boundary Issues of Somalia

The Three Boundary Issues of Somalia

There are three border issues of Somalia:

1. The Italo-Ethiopian Boundary of the 1830s that lied to the North of Jigjiga, now in Ethiopia.

2. The Italo-British Boundary of Colonial Administrations of Somalia that lied North of Garowe in the Nugaal Region, now in Puntland State of Somalia.

3. The “Linea Tomazelli” ( sanctioned by the Tomazelli Boundary Commission of 1880s) Clan Boundary of Darood and Hawiye in Mudugh Region that lied South of Dusamareed, the Capital of now Galgaduud Region, before the 1960 Independence of Somalia. later, Siyad Barre Military Administration partitioned Mudugh into two regions, Mudugh and Galgaduud in the late 1970s.

The entire Galgaduud Region and parts of Southern Mudugh, now the under the claim of Galmudugh should, technically fall under a Darood administration if the inhabitants there so desire.

This is the most recent historical perspective of the Three Boundary Issues.

The Economist | American politics: Trump’s America

The Economist | American politics: Trump’s America http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21663225-why-donald-dangerous-trumps-america?frsc=dg%7Cd via @theeconomist

Netanyahu Rejects Calls to Accept Syrian Refugees – The New York Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/07/world/middleeast/netanyahu-rejects-calls-to-accept-syrian-refugees.html?partner=rss&emc=rss&_r=0

Daawo : – Fadeexada iyo protocol xumada M/weyne Xasan sheekh Roma-Italy ka raacday ( M/weynaha oo tahribayaal Siiriyaan ah Train la saaran )

SHARAFI  DHIMATAY : Iyadoon Dawladu ku marti qaadin hadaad  diyaarad iska raacdo , Qaxootigaad Trainda ku weheshan ( Jiita boorsooyinka waaweyn baa ka dhacday ) https://youtu.be/9TD7GwdnnT4  www.puntlandi.com.

Source: Daawo : – Fadeexada iyo protocol xumada M/weyne Xasan sheekh Roma-Italy ka raacday ( M/weynaha oo tahribayaal Siiriyaan ah Train la saaran )

Turned Truth Turning

Source: Turned Truth Turning

Racialigion

Source: Racialigion

The New Community Organizer, this time hailing from the Twin City of Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA.

Please listen to him responding to Larry King On-Politicking:

http://www.ora.tv/politicking/2015/9/4/city-councilman-abdi-warsame-joins-larry-king-on-politicking-0_2aj2v5eq0c50

Wellusion

Source: Wellusion

RECENT PUBLICATION OF CHATHAMHOUSE ON SOMALIA

Read here recent Chatham House publication on Somalia:

https://www.dropbox.com/s/mrzmisn01euqjzq/20150902SomaliaFederalFutureMosley.pdf?dl=0

ADEEGSIGA AFKA HOOYO MEESHII MID DOOLAALLEED

Ma yaraya in intaan helay canaan iyo codsi wada socda ee ka timi akhriye maqaal aan afka Ingiriiska ku qoray. Mar hadduu daalacday maqaalka akhriyuhu, waxan u qaatay in uu yaqaan afka ay ku qorantahay. Haddaba, waxan hindisayaa in dareenka akhriyahaa ku saleysantaha su’aasha: Ninka maxaa doolaallada afka shisheeye u geeyey?

Waa su’aal isweydiin mudan, markaan la tixgelin dhoor arrimood oo kala ah:

1. Dhalinyaro Soomaaliyeed ee farabadan oo qurbaha ku dhashay, kuna koray ee afkooda Hooyo uusan ahayn Soomaali, Soomaaliyana aad u daneynaya.

2. Soomaali farabadan oo adeegsata afafka shisheeye dhanka ganacsiga, siyaasadda, waxbarashada, Interneetka, isgaarsiinta kale, iwm.

3. Ummadaha aduunka oo in badan daneynaya Somalia, Soomaaliduna haatan “Beesha Lixaad” ku magaccowdo.

Ragga aan ka mid ah, oo aan isu haysan in ay afkooda Hooyo hodan ku yihiin, ka shisheeyana dirqi iyo naf-lacaari wax ku cabirikara, baqdin badan baa kujirta. Waxay ka baqayaan in ay ku sifoobaan gabaygii Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan: “Alle Qabey Afkana Waa Yaqaan, Waana Ka Agnaan’e”. Qaarkood, malaha aniga ila mid ahi, waxay ka wahsadaan xulashada, ama ugaarsiga erayada toolmoon ee afka Soomaaliga. Sidaa darted, waxanu door bidnaa, af doolaal, anagoo isku maaweelineynaa in ajnabiga u dhashay afkaa, noo cafiyidoono khaladka badan ee afkiisa Hooyo aan ka galeyno. Qoraalladu, af kastaba ha ahaadee, waxay ku saleysanyihiin qaybaha kala duwan ee wax soosaar aqoonta bulshada, sida suugaanta, waxbarasha, aqoonta dabiiciga aha, hidda iyo dhaqanka, xirfadaha gaarka ah, iwm. Qoraagu ama waa mid guud, ama mid aqoon gaar ah uleh qayb farsamo khaas ah oo bulsho kooban ee ay isku xirfadyihiin ugu talagalay. Waxaa kuli ka dhexeeya in qoraa kastaa leeyahay awood u si fudud u gaarsiinkaro akhiriyaasha ujeedada qoraalkiisa. Waxaa jira qaar, iyagoo si guud wax u qoraya, akhiriyaashooda ku dhiba in qaamuus agyaalo, marar badanna qoraalkooda laga caajiso in akhriga la damaystiro.

Waayahaan dambe, akhriyaasho isha umbay mariyaan qoraallada, cabsidaa awgeed. Haddaan magacca qoraalku, ama erayadiisa ugu horeeya ayen soo jiidan akhriyaha, qoraagaa dadaalkiisu waa hal bacaad lagu lisay, ama gaawe (toobke) hoos ka daloolla.

Waxaa taa raaca, dadweynihii Soomaaliyeed oo si qardo jeexxa ah u adeegsada qoraalka afka Soomaaliga, iyaga oo u aabayeelin shaqalka afka, joogsi iyo hakadna la hayn. Taa waxay keentay in fikirka qoraalkooda la garanwaayo, ama la dhibsadaba qaabka ay wax u qorayaan..

Waxba yaanan deel qaafine, afkeenna Hooyo hawl badan ayuu innooga baahanyahay, si uu noqdo af aqoon-soosaareed (knowledge production), siiba dhanka qoraallada. Jihaadkaa ma sahlana inta laga gaarayo xarumo, hay’ado, goosimo afka (language clubs) iyo cilmi-baaris Dawlad Qaran oo Dawlad-Gobolleedyadeedii ku tiirsan, sida ay Somalia haatan la rabo in ay u socoto.

Ugu dambayn, iyadoo ayen iga ahayn dowdarnimo, jacayl iyo xiiso badanna ii hayn af doolaalleed, ayaan ku mada-daashaaa qoraalka maqaallada Afka Ingiriiska ku soo baxa. Ku qabow, in aanan moogsanayn dareenka baahida loo qabo maqaallo xiisaleh ee Afka Soomaaliga ku soo baxa.

Qore: Ismail H. Warsame

e-mail: ismailwarsame@gmail.com

Twitter/Facebook: @ismailwarsame