Tag: democracy

Eradicating Corrupt Leadership in Africa: The Path to Freedom and Prosperity

Introduction
Africa, a continent brimming with potential, grapples with a pervasive challenge: corrupt leadership. The legacies of Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso and contemporary figures like Ibrahim Traoré underscore the transformative power of ethical governance. While Sankara’s revolutionary policies in the 1980s prioritized anti-corruption and social justice, Traoré’s recent rise highlights ongoing aspirations for accountability. This essay advocates for dismantling systemic corruption through democratic means, emphasizing the role of informed electorates, institutional reforms, and civic mobilization to usher Africa toward lasting freedom and prosperity.

Legacy of Visionary Leadership
Thomas Sankara, often called “Africa’s Che Guevara,” demonstrated that integrity and political will can drive change. During his brief tenure, he slashed government salaries, redistributed land, and invested in education and healthcare. Similarly, Ibrahim Traoré’s rhetoric against foreign exploitation and corruption resonates with youth and activists. However, their ascendancy through non-democratic means reveals a critical tension: sustainable progress requires systemic change, not just charismatic leaders. Sankara’s assassination and Traoré’s contested legitimacy remind us that enduring reform demands institutional, not personal, solutions.

The Corrosive Impact of Corruption
Corrupt leadership stifles development by diverting resources from critical sectors like healthcare and infrastructure. According to the African Union, corruption costs the continent over $148 billion annually, perpetuating poverty and inequality. Entrenched elites manipulate electoral systems, entrenching patronage networks that undermine democracy. Citizens, disillusioned by empty promises, often succumb to apathy or protests, as seen in recent uprisings in Sudan and Zimbabwe. The cycle of corruption and repression traps nations in stagnation leading to state failure. Somalia is the shining example of this African illness, necessitating urgent action.

Democratic Solutions: Voting Out Corruption

  1. Free and Fair Elections: Strengthening electoral commissions and enforcing transparency in voting processes are vital. Countries like Ghana and Botswana have shown that credible elections, monitored by civil society and international observers, can ensure peaceful transitions.
  2. Informed Electorate: Civic education empowers citizens to demand accountability. Mobile technology and grassroots campaigns, such as Nigeria’s #NotTooYoungToRun movement, can engage youth and combat voter apathy.
  3. Institutional Reforms: Anti-corruption agencies must operate independently, with prosecutorial power. Rwanda’s digitization of public services reduced bureaucratic graft, proving that systemic checks work.

Civil Society and Media as Watchdogs
Vibrant civil society organizations and a free press are bulwarks against tyranny. Investigative journalists, like Kenya’s John-Allan Namu, expose graft, while movements like #EndSARS in Nigeria mobilize public dissent. Social media amplifies marginalized voices, though governments often retaliate with repression. International partnerships, such as the African Peer Review Mechanism, can bolster local efforts without undermining sovereignty.

Challenges and Risks
Electoral fraud, voter intimidation, and disinformation campaigns persist. In nations like DR Congo, leaders cling to power by stifling opposition. Moreover, military coups—though sometimes popular—risk cyclical instability, as seen in Mali and Burkina Faso. True change requires patience: rebuilding trust in democracy is a marathon, not a sprint.

Case Studies: Lessons from Success
Botswana’s sustained democracy and low corruption levels stem from strong institutions and civic pride. Mauritius, ranking first in Africa for democracy, combines economic openness with robust welfare programs. These examples prove that cultural shifts toward accountability are achievable through persistence.

Conclusion
Africa’s journey to prosperity hinges on rejecting corruption and embracing participatory governance. While figures like Sankara and Traoré symbolize the hunger for change, lasting solutions lie in empowering citizens, reforming institutions, and upholding democratic principles. By voting out corrupt leaders and demanding transparency, Africans can reclaim their future—transforming the continent’s potential into tangible progress. The road is arduous, but collective resolve can turn the tide, ensuring freedom and prosperity for generations to come.

Talo Soo Jeedin

July 12, 2023,

Mudanayaal iyo Marwooyin,  

Waxaan idnku salaamayaa salaanta islaamka – As Salaamu Caleykum Waraxmatullahi Wa barakaatuhu.

Madaxweynaha Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya,          

Mudane Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud iyo madaxdii hore ee qaranka iyo siyaanyiinta kale ee madashaan ku sugan.

Ujeeddo:  Talo soo jeedin ku aaddan go’aannada Golaha Wadatahsiga Qaran (GWQ) ay soo jeediyeen in wax laga beddelo hannaanka siyaaasadda dalka.   

Mudane Madaxweyne, waxaan kaaga mahad-celinaynaa soo dhowaynta iyo fursadda aad inoo siisay in aan talo ku biirinno go’aandii ka soo baxay  Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran (GWQ) ee lagu qabtay magaalada Muqdisho bisha May 27keeda, sannadka 2023.  

Waxaa ka muuqday go’aanada in aan la tixgelin muhiimadda dastuurku leeyahay iyo qaab sharciyeedka wax looga beddeli karo qodobada dastuurka oo ah in guddi heer qaran ah soo dhammays-tiro dastuurka qabyo-qoraalka ah lagana dodo wax ka beddelkiisa si looga heshiiyo.  

Waxaan aaminsannahay in GWQ uusan sharci u haysan wax ka bedelidda dastuurka. Waxaanna welwel ka qabnaa in qaab aan dastuuri ahayn` arrimahaas lagu furdaamiyo ayna dib u dhac u keento geeddisocodka dowladnimada Soomaaliyeed.  

Waxaa is xasuusin mudan in dowlad-goboleedka Puntland oo muhiim ka ah geedisocodka dib-u-dhiska dalka aan laga tixgelin arrimahaan masiiriga ah si loo ilaaliyo midnimada iyo wadajirka dalka.  

Marka waxaan hadda mid mid u dul istaagayaa qodobada dastuuriga ah ee la soo jeediyey in isbeddel lagu sameeyo:

Qodobka 1aad:  

Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran wuxuu soo jeediyay in dalku aado dooorasho qof iyo cod ah. Qodobkani waa mid Soomaali oo dhan ay wada sugaysay oo dalka u horseedaya in bulshada Soomaaliyeed ay dib u soo ceshato awooddeeda dastuuriga ah oo ay si xornimo leh ku soo doortaan madaxdooda heer qaran, hoggaankooda heer dowlad-goboleed iyo heer goleyaal deegaanba.

Talo #1. Qodobkaan waa soo dhowaynaynaa mabda’iyan maxaa yeelay qodobkani wuxuu ka mid yahay waxyaabaha ay hiigsadaan ummadda Soomaaliyeed in muddo ahna ku taamayeen. Hase ahaatee waxaa muhiim ah in laga heshiiyo arrimaha hoos ku xusan oo  gogol-xaarka u noqon kara in dalka doorasho qof iyo cod ah si xasilooni ahna ku dhacda, dadkuna ay raalli ka yihiin laga hirgeliyo.  

  1. Sugidda amniga dalka oo dhan iyo goobaha ay doorashadu ka dhacayso si aan cadwga uga faa’ideeysan.  
  2. Sharciga doorashooyinka oo u baahan in la diyaariyo ka hor inta aan doorashada dhicin si looga baaraan-dego khilaafaadka imaan kara xilliga doorashada iyo xallintooda.
  3. In la dhameeystiro sharciga qofka muwaadinka

(citizentship law) lagana heshiiyo qabyotirkiisa.

  1. In la dhammaystiro sharciga axsaabta (xisbiyada badan) si waafaqsan dastuurka dalka.
  2. In laga heshiiyo cidda wax dooran karta oo xaq u leh in ay soo xaadirto maalinta iyo goobta doorashada sida:  
    1. Shacabka Soomaliyeed ee gobollada waqooyi.
    1. Dadka barakacayaasha ku ah dalka gudahiisa iyo \ kuwa qaxootiga ku ah dalka dibaddiisa.
    1. Soomaalida dalka dibaddiisa ku nool.
    1. Soomaalida deggan xuduudaha dalka oo laba dal ka wada tirsan, iwm.

Nidaamka Doorashada

Barnaamijka doorashada laba qodob oo muhiim ah ayaan talo ka soo jeedineenaa:

  1. Guddiga doorashada heer qaran ma iskuma meteli karo doorashada heer qaran iyo midda dowlad-goboleedyada. Marka waa in dowladgoboleed walba yeelataa guddi doorasho oo u gaar ah si loo adkeeyo doorashada Dowlad-goboleedyada.
  2. Siyaadda dalka waxay ku dhisan tahay dheelitir beeleed oo ah 4.5, loomana boodi karo durba nidaam kale oo bulshadu aysan raali ka noqoneyn
    1. Doorashada meteladda isu-dheelitan (Proportianal representation) ee liiska xiran (closed list) iyo hal deeegaan doorasho waa in la waafajiyaa qaabka kuraasta beelaha ay maanta u qeybsadaan oo aan laga gudbin qeybhaas iyadoo aan shacabku ku heshiin ama aan la qaadin tirokoob dadweyne. Waxaan ogsoon nahay in jufooyinka beelaha Soomaaliyeed aysan maanta diyaar u ahayn in ay waayaan xubnaha oo ay hadda ay ku leeyihiin labada aqal ee barlamanka.
    1. Walow in laga gudbo 4.5 ay muhiim tahay, haddana waa in shacabka iyo oday dhaqameedyada Soomaaliyeed laga dhaadhiciyaa meesha loo socdo oo ay iyagoo raali ah la aado. Dhismaha dowladnimo waqti dheer buu qaataa, oo lama dedejin karo iyadoo aan ahayn wadar oggol.  
    1. Doorashada liistada xiran ma xaqiijin karto metelaad beeleed ama mid deegaan.
    1. Metelaadda murashaxiinta golaha shacabka waa in ay ku dsaleeysan yihii dad iyo deegaan.  

Qodobka 2aad:  

Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran wuxuu soo jeediyey in dalka ka guuro nidaamka Baarlamaaniga ah oo uu aado nidaam madaxweyne (Presidential System).

Waxaa xusid mudan in Soomaaliya ay ka soo kabaneeyso dagaalo sokeeye iyo dowlad-xumo baahsan oo lga dhaxlay 30kii sano ee la soo dhaafay. Dowladnimada maanta aan haysanno waxay ku timid dadaal dheeri ah iyo kulamo siyaasadeed oo dalka dibaddiisa lagu qabtay oo keenay in la galo heshiis buslhadeed maadaama bulshadu kala irdhowday muddadii dagaalada sokeeye iyo in ay dadku dib isugu soo laabtaan oo dowlad wada sameeystaan iyagoo aan weli kala shaki bixin. Waxay isla garteen in dowlad federaali ah la dhiso oo ku salaysan nidaamka Barlamaaniga ah iyagoo ka fogaanaya in nidaamkii madaxweynenimo ee dalka burburka u horseeday uusan dib u soo laaban. Waxay isla garteen annagana nala quman in nidaamka Baarlamaaniga uu yahay:

  1. Nidaam dowladeed oo dheellitiran oo leh hay’ado is kabaya.
  2. Wuxuu leeyahay awood qaybsi Soomaalidu heshiis ku tahay.
  3. Wuxuu fudueeyaa isla-xisaabtan xukuumadda iyo Baarlamaanka.
  4. Wuxuu leeyahay waajibaadyo iyo masuuliyado qeexan oo kala baxsan haddii si dhab ah loo raaco dastuurka.  

Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran wuxuu soo jeediyay in dalku qaato nidaam Madaxweyne iyo Madaxweyne ku-Xigeen. Sharciyan qodobkaaas wuxuu si toos ah uga hor imaanayaa Dastuurka dalka ee ku meel gaarka ah la ansixiyay bisha August 1deeda, 2012. Gaar ahaan:  

  1. Qodobada: 58, 59, 60, 69, 71, 74 & 77 ee Cutubka 6aad: Barlamaanka Federaalka JS.
  2. Qodobada; 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95 & 96. ee Cutubka 7aad:

Madaxweeynaha JFS,

  • Qodobada; 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103 & 104. ee Cutubka 8aad: laanta Fulinta,

Mudanayaal iyo marwwoyin

Talo #2: Ma qabno xaaladda uu dalku maanta ku jiro in nidaamka baarlamaaniga ah ee hadda noo shaqeeya la beddelo laguna beddelo nidaam madaxweyne qodobada hoos ku qoran awgood:

  1. In nidaamka baarlamaaniga ah la bedelo wuxuu u baahan yahay in dib loogu laabto heshiiska beelaha Soomaaliyeed oo ay dowladnimada dalku ku salaysan tahay.
    1. Isbeddel hadda la sameeyo wuxuu horseedayaa hoos u dhac ku yimaada awoodaha kala duwan ee hay’adaha dowliga iyo wada shaqeyntooda, awooduhuna isugu tagaan hal qof.
    1. Khilaafaadka Soomaalida dhexdeeda ka jira oo sii bata iyo in xasilooni darro ka dhalato meelo badan oo dalka ka mid ah.

Mudanayaal iyo Marwwoyin

Waxaan soo jeedinaynaa in aan nidaamka Baarlamaaniga ah ee aan haysano aan si dhab ah oo sharciga waafaqsan ugu dhaqanno oo aan helnaa Madxweyne iyo Ra’iisulwasaare tayo leh oo awoodahooda kala qeybsan yihiin, mid walbana loo daayo mas’uuliyadda dastuuriga ah ee loo igmaday.

Qodobka 3aad

Wax kabeddelka Nidaamka Xisbiyada   

Dastuurku wuxuu qorayaa in dalku yeesho axsaab badan oo ay ka soo dhex baxaan axsaab kooban marka dalku doorashada galo kadib, axsaabtaas  oo leh taageero baahsan oo dalka oo dhan ah oo ay markaa u tartamaan hoggaanka hay’adaha sare ee dalka.

Mudanyaal iyo Marwooyin  

Talo #3: Ma qabno soo jeedintii GWQ ee ahayd in xisbiyada dalka lagu soo koobo laba xisbi oo keli ah oo aan la garanayn qaabka iyaga laftooda lagu soo xulayo iyo in ay yeelan karaan metelaad dhab ah oo shacabka Soomaaliyeed ay raali ka noqon karaan.  Labada xisbi ee GWQ ku baaqeen wuxuu ka hor imaanayaa:  

  1. Qaab dhismeedka siyaasadeed ee Soomaalidu heshiiska ku tahay.
  2. Labada xisbi waxay u muuqan karaan kuwa dhan u janjeera oo shacabku u arkaan in aan labada xisbi Soomaali u dhamayn.
  3. Waxaa hadda ka diiwaan gashan dalka tiro ka badan 100 xisbi oo abaabulan. Waxaa kale oo jira deegaano badan oo dhistay axsaab siyaasadeed oo hadda ka badan 2 oo shacabkuna soo doorteen.

Waxaan ku talinaynaa in loo daayo sida dastuurka qabo nidaamka axsaabta badan laguna asteeyo sharciga doorashooyinka shuruudaha lagu noqon karo xisbi rasmi ah oo doorashada dalka ka qeybgeli kara.

Qodobka 4aad

Doorashooyinka iyo Muddada Xil-haynta Hay’adaha Qaranka

GWQ wuxuu ku baaqay qodobka 8aad, Faqradiisa (a) in doorashada dalka ee heer federaal iyo heer dowlad-goboleed ay noqoto doorasho qof iyo cod ah oo shantii sanaba hal mar ah.  

Muddadan waxay kasoo horjeedaa qodobada 60aad & 91aad ee Dastuurka dalka oo muddada Barlamaanka iyo Madaxweynaha ka dhigaya afar sano, sidoo kale qodobkaas muddo kordhinta wuxuu kasoo horjeedaa Qodobka 52/1 & 72/1 ee Dastuurka 1960kii, oo si cad u qeexaya in wax ka beddel muddo xileedka haddii la sameeyo aysan khuseeyn cidda xilka haysa markaas oo uu isbedelkaas bilaabanaayo mudda xileedka xiga.

Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran waxay ku dodayaan in la is waafajiyo mudada xilhaynta hay’adaha qaranka oo ay isla garteen in muddo sanad ah loo wada kordhiyo hay’adaha qaranka iyo dowlad-goboleedyada taasoo baalmarsan dastuurka dalka. Waxaa muhiim ah in dib loo fiiriyo qodobadaan:

  • Dastuurka dalka wuxuu qeexayaa muddo xileedyo ay hay’aduhu ku shaqeeynayaan oo aan dacwad hore uga imaan, mana muuqato sabab loo bedelo.   
  • Haddii isbeddel lagu sameeynaayo muddo-xilaydka hay’adaha dowladda waxaa muhiim noqon doonta in marka hore la dhameystiro dastuurka qabyada ah.

Talo #4. Ma qabno in muddo kordhin waqtigan lagu sameeyo hogaanka dowladda Federaalka iyo Dowlad-goboleedyada. Hadii laga baaqsan waayo, waa in loo maraa dariiq dastuuri ah marka dastuurka lasoo dhameystiro. kordhin lagu sameeyo muddo xileedka hay’adaha dalka waxay noola muuqataa in ay hirgeli karto oo keliya marka muddo xileedka dowlada soo jeedisay laga gudbo oo dowlad cusub la doorto. Dowlad muddo xileedkeeda ku guda jirta ma sameyn karto muddo kordhin iyada khuseeysa.

Qodobka 5aad  

Wax ka beddelka Dastuurka  

Dastuurka ku meel gaarka ah wuxuu qeexayaa nidaam loo maro in isbeddel lagu sameeyo qodobada dastuurka ku qeexan oo dhan. Sidaa darteed waxaa muhiim ah in hay’adaha dowladdu ay mar walba u hoggaansamaan dastuurka iyaga lagu soo doortay.

Gebo-gabo:

In kastoo golaha wadatahsiga qaran ay leeyihiin mudnaantooda, haddana waxaa nala quman in aan dastuurka la baalmarin oo loo daayo hay’adaha loo asteeyay si ay waajibaadkooda dastuuriga ah u gutaan.

Mahadsaniddiin  

Talosoojeedintan waxaa ku midaysan:  

1. Madaxweyne Shiikh Shariif Sh. Axmed

  • Guddoomiye Shariif Xassan Shiikh Aaden
  • R/W Cumar Cabdirashid Cali 
  • Sharmake 
  • R/W Cabdiweli Cali Gaas
  • R/W Xassan Cali Khayre
  • R/w xigeen Ridwan Hirsi
  • Wasiir Dr Cabdinuur Shiikh Maxamed
  • Xil Abdulqaadir Cosoble Cali
  • Dr.Cabdinasir Maxamed Cabdulle

NEGATIVE NOISES SURROUNDING PUNTLAND COUNCIL ELECTIONS AND WISHES OF DOOMSDAY FOR THE STATE

WDM EDITORIAL

Unsettling noises about perils coming on the way of Puntland’s continued existence are not only misplaced, but they are also dangerous and unwarranted fear-mongering. From Somalia’s Head of State to a bunch of uninformed politicians on current Puntland internal situation, they are unleashing statements of ill-will for the residents of Puntland State. People and political associations here are in election campaign mood. They were busy registering themselves to participate in the re-envigorated democratization process – they don’t have time and space for sidetracks. They are ready to exercise their democratic rights as they grew tired of the old clan system that has been keeping the State politically stagnant for more than two decades.

Ironically, those former Puntland political leaders, who had abysmally failed to move democratic elections forward in their past stints are now making the biggest noises in opposing the long overdue transition to a better governance. Their negative attitudes toward holding, at least district council elections, are unfortunate, if not an outright disservice to the stability of the State.

In regard to President Mohamud’s recent misleading and ill-informed statement about perceived dangers confronting Puntland, one can only dismiss it as ill-wish, or rather sour grapes, for his administration has still a long way to catch up with the multifaceted progress Puntland State has been making over the years. Instead of commending the residents of Puntland State and their leadership for setting up the role model for the rest of Somalia, he has chosen words of despair and disillusion. Suffice to say that People of Somalia will move on with or without Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, no doubt about that.

EX-PRESIDENT DONALD J TRUMP ISN’T ALONE

It s hard for someone outside United States to contemplate of a political leader getting away with so many alleged wrong-doings in a country bragging so much about the rule of law and democracy, and calling itself a shining beacon on the hill, yet defending and justifying brazen lies and grotesque abuses of power. Yes, I get that Trump has been a bad guy throughout his adult life, who, with money and white privileges, escaped accountability. But I can’t fathom millions of smart people falling into his whims, regardless of the harm they inflict on their nation by bending their consciousness and moral compass. It is not plausible to dismiss the phenomenon as political polarization alone, for the stakes are too high and extremely dangerous to let it go, and assume America would remain America and run business as usual.

I do recall a story in which a student once asked a history teacher as to why millions of highly intelligent German people blindly followed a corporal called Hitler. The teacher paused a bit to answer the question, then asked the student: “How many Hitlers were there in Germany at the time?” Surprised, the student responded, ” Only one Hitler”. “Wrong”, the teacher told the student. “Hitler had duplicated himself into millions more in German society.” I am afraid history is repeating itself elsewhere before our eyes, and if history is of anything to go by, nations rise and fall when political figures like Donald Trump appear on the scene once in a while, and citizens let their guard down. It is happening now in the USA.

Supporters of Trump’s shenanigans argue that bringing Trump to justice was a disgrace to US reputation. Others see this happening as American justice and public institutions rightly fighting back. In this case, one would say the taste of pudding is in the eating. But, let us wait to read how history would record Donald J Trump.

PUNTLAND DEMOCRATIZATION

Democratization

WDM EDITORIAL

WHY PEACE IS IMPORTANT TO ALL IN PUNTLAND STATE

Media reports in Puntland State indicate that a group of politicians and former government officials are reportedly raising and mobilizing clan militiamen from Nugaal Region against current Administration of President Said Abdullahi Deni. If true, this could be another violent chapter to destabilize the State and disrupt peaceful development and democratization of Puntland State. Such a scenario must be avoided by all at any cost. It doesn’t benefit anyone. Based on WDM assessment, majority of the residents of Puntland support democratization, and any opposition to the notion of direct elections will fail. Besides, for a revolt to succeed, it must have a credible leader and popular support. This attempt has none.

Look back at short history of Puntland – no one, who first started violence through armed rebellion, had ever been successful, while counter-offensives against violators of peace had been always victorious. There must be reason for this historical fact. It is the residents of Puntland State that made possible for the gains of the regions to continue and be sustainable. Repeat, nobody had ever gained from violence in Puntland, be warned.

[This editorial has been updated since posting.]

PUNTLAND IS READY FOR 1P1V

WDM EDITORIAL

Based on conversations, debates and discussions in towns, Puntland is ready for democratic elections. There is a general public understanding that the old system of indirect selection has reached the dead-end. Many believe that Puntland will not survive with the repeat of that clan selection process. The salvation lies in the introduction of democratic principles that has no alternative historically in governance.

Current Puntland Administration has no other choice but to accept the reality on the ground and expedite the process of District Council Elections. Failure to meet this challenge will be a colossal miscalculation that will see existential threat to Puntland self-government.

So, let us not waste time in political bickering. Let us move forward full of hope and confidence that better days are ahead of us.

WHY DID SOMALI STATE FAILED?

That question was raised by one of us in a group discussion tonight at teatable in Garowe, Puntland. Everyone expressed his take on that colossal Somali tragedy. The consensus was that Somali state failed due to one man-rule. In other words, the rise of Madax-Ka-Nool is the root cause of Somalia’s collapse. Did we learn anything from this experience?, asked one man. Nothing, responded another. Is there a guarantee that it won’t fail again?, asked 3rd man. No, you won’t get different result from repeating the same experience, volunteered to the debate yet another man.

The conversation was as enlightening as it gets. But what was more exciting was the understanding that since some past and present leaders of the Federal Government and Federal Member States have no capacity or resources to act Siyad Barre, at least this weakness combined with Federal system are deterrent against dictatorship, but for how long? The current problem though lies in leaders of mini-states have created their own enclaves to act as mini-despots in their own right – again one man-rule in a much smaller scale. It means the sum total of the leaders of the Federal Government and FMS amount to a system of despotism in Somalia – an unintended outcome of federalism.

How to come out of this political quagmire? Did you see workshops and training on governance by subject-matter experts in Somalia? But do despots need such transfer of knowledge to the general public and government personnel? Of course not. A vicious cycle sets in which leads to the philosophy hardest question of which was created first, chicken or the egg.

Where does the rule of law fit into all of those? How about independent body of legislators? How does a country call itself democracy in the absence of free and fair elections? We must be all kidding ourselves.

THE ELUSIVE REGIME OF DEMOCRACY

My understanding of democratization is that there is no better alternative to it. It is an arbitration of conflict between political opponents to avoid violence and harm in the society and to themselves and supporters. As far as corruption is concerned, this is where strong institutions and rule of law come in. Checks and balance could be elusive, if the public institutions are weak and the executive branch takes advantage.

There could be more, but I strongly believe that where there is no freedom of press and independent judiciary, there can be no democracy for only these two public institutions can reign in corruption and abuses of power.

Freedom of the press cannot thrive in any given country without people understanding and supporting it. You can’t have successful independent media among non-readers and mostly illiterate or semi-illiterate citizens. People with no culture of readership and curiosity can’t have democracy. You can’t also have an independent judiciary in a poor society where judges are hired with little or no pay.

You also need to teach civic education in schools. People should consume quality information and learn facts and history. You can’t do that without people developing the habit of readership.

Here, we don’t have to seek the ideal situation of good governance, but to start the process towards a long journey. You can’t do that without continuity-based governance and preserving historical records.

AMERICA ON THE BRINK OF LOSING DEMOCRACY

Click here Democracy threatened

https://amazon.com/author/ismailwarsame

PUNTLAND: TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY

April 6, 2019
Talking Truth to Power.
PUNTLAND DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS: OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES
Historical Background
The formation of Puntland State of Somalia in August 1998 was not a sudden development, but a culmination of a process following many community attempts in Northeastern and Northwestern Regions of Somalia, armed struggle and the Civil War aside. Cities like Galkayo, Garowe, Qardho, Bosaso, Boocame and Borama were all important venues for community meetings for reconciliation and forward thinking, eventually paving the way for the foundation of both Puntland and Somaliland administrations.
One of such community meetings was one called “Nabad & Nool” held in Garowe in 1993. Leading this conference were elders from all regions of Harti sub-clan system.
Some of the prominent clan elders of Sool and Sanaag, who had joined the Consultative and Constitutional Conferences, and helped setup Puntland State, took part in both Borama and Boocame meetings and congresses for the formal establishment of Northwest Administration (Somalia). Among them include Garaad AbdiQani Garaad Jama, Garaad Saleman Garaad Mohamed, Garaad Ismail Duale. Suldaan Said Suldaan Abdisalam had also joined the process in later stages.
In the case of Puntland, the society has deep historic roots in traditional self-government with sultanates and kingdoms in the background. Before the successful establishment of Puntland State, there were a series of failed administrative establishments in Northeastern Regions of Somalia. Among them was one led by Abdullahi King Kong in 1992 and the other by Mohamed Nur Jama (Dhigic Dhigic) in 1994. Both administrations existed, in their separate short periods, along with SSDF control of Northeastern Regions. These administrations failed due to lack of skills and capacity in governance, absence of vision and fatal misunderstanding of their leadership role as self-governing entities in the Regions. Puntland charter had decommissioned the civil war organizations of SSDF and SNDU as well as USP on the eve of Puntland foundation.
Based on this brief historical perspective and on the backdrop of failure of all Somalia’s National Reconciliation Conferences (SNRC), people of Northeastern Regions, Sool, Sanaag and Buhoodle had finally got convinced that Somalia couldn’t be reconstructed from top-down as warlords didn’t have legitimate representation as they also couldn’t agree on a united national political platform. Warlordism was their political attraction and preference in maintaining their respective fiefdoms, particularly in Banadir Region.
Puntland State was established on the notion of a “BOTTOM-UP APPROACH” or “BUILDING BLOCKS” (FEDERALISM)) as the basis for re-instating the failed Central Government of Somalia with avoidance of reviving a city-state or a dictatorship.
Delegates to the Founding Congresses, the Community Constitutional conference held in Garowe on May 15, 1998 had resolved to commit themselves to fulfilling two central objectives:
1. To create a regional state with all branches of a government representing the people of Northeast, Sool, Sanaag and District of Buhoodle.
2. To work hard towards the re-instatement and reconstruction of Somalia’s failed Central State.
The 2nd objective would become a daunting task and overly ambitious undertaking that took away most of the time and resources of the New State of Puntland. It had also impacted negatively on Puntland Democratization Process and discharge of constitutional mandate of the government in that regard.
Equally challenging was the fact that the New Administration of Puntland faced upfront serious political and economic challenges. On the one hand, it had to prove itself to be a viable regional state economically and meet the challenges of law and order as clan militias and bandits rampage the regions with their illegal checkpoints stretching along the roads and all cities entry ports. Re-constructing the New Somalia also needed leadership, role model and resources, on the other hand. That also required allocation of Puntland leaders’ time, space and travel.
The international community was split between supporting the Puntland concept of Bottom-up Approach and Top-down Approach of Somali National Reconciliation Process (SNRP).
There was a tough debate within Puntland itself on whether to leave the rest of Somalia to its own devices by focusing on Puntland development, building and strengthening its institutions only or Puntland to put in leadership and resources in re-shaping the New Somalia.
This debate is still raging on. The consensus of Puntland institutions, however, was that the New State couldn’t afford to see the slow disintegration of the Somali Republic as Mogadishu Warlords couldn’t envisage the immediate danger and existential national threat to Somalia.
CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIZATION DURING 3-YEAR MANDATE OF PUNLAND FIRST GOVERNMENT
In a nutshell, democratization became increasingly the improbable mission as the Puntland first government operated under tremendous difficulties and faced enormous challenges, especially in the security and economic sectors. To say the country was in humanitarian crisis is understatement. There was a huge influx of IDPs of not only persons of Northeastern origin fleeing from all war-torn urban centers of Southern Somalia, but also thousands of other Somalis coming from every corner of Somalia and in particular, from Banadir, Middle Shabelle, Jubaland , Bay and Bakool regions. The New Puntland State of Somalia was under constant threat to its security and aggression from its Southern and Northern borders. The Civil War was still raging. Jubaland was under constant military siege with General Aydiid posed to re-take Kismayo. The State Constitution was provisional and state institutions just so established were fragile and ineffective. The State infrastructure was non-existent. The Presidency, Cabinet, House of Representatives had no offices to operate, not to talk about other agencies of the State. It was almost an impossible task to run a government, let alone to think building a modicum of a government under these conditions.
Now, think of Democratization under the prevailing situation. Still, in accordance with the Article 28 of the Charter, the First Puntland Cabinet of 9 Ministers started deliberating on the possibility of holding local and general elections on the basis of one person one vote. The Cabinet has resolved to send to task two independent constitutional and electoral commissions in accordance with Article 10 (i) and 10 (ii) of the Charter for approval by the House of Representatives.
1. Constitutional Commission of 15 members proposed by the government for Parliament approval to draft Puntland new constitution and put it for a statewide referendum never materialized due to conflict and legal rankling between the branches of the government and within the House of Representatives itself
2. Electoral Commission to draft legislations and electoral laws
Each commission had its own chairperson and included some members of Puntland House of Representatives, Judiciary, Attorney General and civilians representing the interests of different regions of Puntland
Unfortunately, the Electoral Commission was formed late into the government mandate, and perhaps, it had had barely enough time to prepare. But, the Commission finally submitted their findings in a report to the Cabinet with the following conclusions:
THE FOUR BIG NOs:
1. No population census can be done on time.
2. No public disarmament can be done on time.
3. No financial resources are available
4. No secure environment for elections yet in the country.
The Cabinet had no alternative but to discuss alternatives to seek a new mandate. Two options were on the table:
To resort to the founding formula of regional clan-based representation for which there was very limited time to carry out
1. To propose an extension of institutions mandate for two more years to House of Representatives.
The Cabinet opted for the 2nd scenario. The House was deliberating on the possibility of changing of some articles in the charter like the infamous Article 34.1, 34.2, which stipulates that this couldn’t be done, when the government mandate had expired. The President of the Supreme Court declared himself President for a month pending an election of a president, and prominent elders meeting in Garowe on the issue had endorsed the Supreme Court president’s take-over based on Article 34.2. A constitutional crisis set in and the rest of story is history now.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The Transitional Charter established a transitional authority that within a mandate of three years, ending on 30 June 2001, should accomplish democratization benchmarks as is provided in Article 28 of the charter. However, that proved unrealistic and therefore unfulfilled for the following reasons:
1. To the assessment of many, there was no serious commitment and political will to democratization by all branches of Puntland Government.
2. The operating environment was not conducive to holding elections in terms of :
3. a) Security b) Resources and capacity c) Time constraints and pressure created by Somalia’s National Reconciliation Conferences d) Conflict within all branches of the government and within the legislature itself. The source of this conflict and deadlock was based on articles 34 and 35 of the Charter, especially Article 35, which stipulates that among charter articles that cannot be amended by the legislature include Article 34.2 ( See them in Somali here below).
Despite all the provisions of the Puntland Constitution, there is one persistent question in the minds of both experts and Puntland politicians alike: In a countrywide suffrage, what will be the qualitative choice and result of uninformed clannish society like that of Puntland? Does the track voting record of 66 Puntland MPs give us any confidence towards holding general elections on the basis of one person one vote? Are citizens ready to choose one candidate over another on merit without clan identification? How a general election in Puntland will differ from the existing regional clan representation? Will it have the same qualitative characteristics as the existing clan representation with even more complications and likelihood for electoral violence and breakdown of law and order? These are valid and serious questions that require serious answers and studies.
As a student of Puntland governance history, I believe that some of these questions cannot be answered without putting the experience to the test, starting with local or city council elections. It is good to remember that Somalia’s first democratic elections in 1954 got started with municipal election first.
Presentation at PDRC
by Ismail H. Warsame

‎”An examined life is not worth living” said Greek philosopher, Socrates.

A strong nation must be built on positive arguments and never ceasing constructive debates. If you follow the story of the Government of the United States, a successful union in the history of human race, it is built entirely on democratic discourse. I strongly believe that a nation built on arguments will never fall and will beat all other nations. It is not “gossiping” as President Hassan Sh Mohamud put it recently. It is a part and parcel of democracy and it is quite healthy. Current Somali debates are still mixture of all sorts. Public consensus will eventually develop as the nation recovers and matures. I am very pleased with the lively debates underway within Somali communities world-wide. Excellent job, citizens!