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ON THE HISTORY OF PUNTLAND-DJIBOUTI RELATIONS

In 1991 [corrected] Djibouti, under the late President Hassan Guled Abtidon, hosted a Somali Peace Conference. Former Somali top officials, including Abdirisaq Haji Hussein and Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal attended the conference. Djibouti treated Somali dignitaries differently, offering preferential hosting treatment to delegates from Mogadishu, a fact that caused the resentment of late prime minister, Abdirisaq H. Hussein. Mr Hussein, famous for his wits in Somali language, reminded Hassan Guled of the fact that Djibouti “received some of us as brothers and some of us as friends”. Hassan Guled was stunned. He immediately drew the attention of his aides to discontinue such different standards for Somali guests.

In 1996 Abullahi Yusuf and I passed through Djibouti from Addis Ababa on our way to the commercial city of Northeast, Bosaso. We checked in Sheraton Hotel Djibouti for two nights to prepare our flight connection to Bosaso. We were officials of the National Salvation Council (the Sodare Group). While there, Ismail Omar Ghuelleh, the Chief of Staff at Djibouti presidency and Director of Intelligence then, heard about our presence in town. One afternoon Guelleh invited us for a tea at his home. We met him in his Qat-chewing room. We also learned later that Djibouti First Lady was having her own Qat session next room. Ghuelleh was watching a large TV screen on the wall with Ethiopian Satellite channel on. Further into our chit-chat, he informed us that Djibouti couldn’t survive on its own. They were contemplating about Djibouti joining Ethiopia. Abdullahi Yusuf advised him not to do that and that Djibouti should better hang on while we are trying to revive the failed state of Somalia. Guelleh seemed unpersuaded. The rest is history. Djibouti didn’t join Ethiopia because of our help in the Somali peace and reconciliation process.

Later as Ghuelleh became president of Djibouti, we met him again and submitted a letter to urge him to take up Somali peace and reconciliation process from foreign hands as he was a Somali man himself. He agreed.

From our side, we had mobilised the entire Somalia’s political elites, factions and warlords to help Djibouti take up the job of Somalia’s national reconciliation process. We had convinced the international Community to abandon parallel initiatives on Somali talks and persuaded Kenyan President, Daniel Arab Moi, to hold off any plans of convening Somali conference in Nairobi, as we asked him to talk to Meles Zenawi to help Ismail Omar Ghuelleh to be able to host Somali peace conference. He agreed. Thus, we developed the concept of “Frontline States” working together on Somalia’s issues. But the problem was that Ethiopia was an AU-sponsored “Mandated Country” then for Somalia’s Peace and National Reconciliation. Puntland and Djibouti jointly had successfully pushed this agenda despite Zenawi’s annoyance and disappointment.

Meanwhile, we convened all Somali factions, except Hussein Aideed’s Salbalaar faction, to Garowe to establish a new alliance, the Somali Peace Alliance (SPA). Puntland had led this alliance as one delegation to Djibouti. We met with Ghuelleh in his office at Presidency.. He said, “you have done more than half the job”.

Enter our next meeting with President Ghuelleh in Djibouti. Abullahi Yusuf and I were transiting through Djibouti on our way to London via Addis Ababa. It was private medical check-up for Puntland President in the UK. While there, Ghuelleh wanted to see Abdullahi Yusuf. The encounter so happened that Ismail Thani, Ghuelleh’s Chief of Staff, visited us in Sheraton Hotel and informed us that President Ghuelleh wanted to see President Abullahi Yusuf. We both stood up to go to the Presidency. Thani advised me to stay behind as Ghuelleh wants only Mr Yusuf. At presidency, Thani too was asked to leave the two Presidents alone. Nobody knew what had happened between the two men, save what Mr. Yusuf told me afterwards. However, Mr Yusuf returned to our hotel annoyed, Here lies the extreme rift between Puntland and Djibouti, or rather, disagreement between the two men. It is my understanding, though, that Abdullahi Yusuf felt the same resentment Abdirisaq Haji Hussein had expressed then in 1991, after the former met privately with Mr Ghuelleh.

See related topic:

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2022/09/20/how-djibouti-erred-in-its-relations-with-puntland-2/

HISTORICAL FACT FOR ALL TO NOTE

Abdullahi Yusuf (RIP), the Late President of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) was a Somali leader that had the greatest impact on Somalia’s political scene historically. What Somalis are doing and debating on now is his work in terms of governance, federalism, construction of federal member states, fighting extremism, religious sectarianism etc. Truly, he was a historical giant, whether all Somalis are willing to accept, honor him or not.

Nobody could come near him, whether it was Sayed Mohamed Abdulle Hassan or Siyad Barre.

Abullahi Yusuf was the founder of the 2nd Somali Republic (The Federal Republic of Somalia). He was the first Somali leader who formed and led the First Somali Opposition Front ( the Somali Salvation Democratic Front SSDF) against the Military Dictatorship of General Mohamed Siyad Barre with a vision to transform Somalia into a democratic state. He later founded Puntland State of Somalia, the first federal member state, before becoming the president of the Transitional Federal Government, the TFG (current Somali Federal Republic). Under his watch, needs assessment research for Somalia’s reconstruction and development Program (RDP) was launched by the UN and World Bank, leading to the New Deal by international donor community signed in Brussels with the pledge of US$2 billion. It was based on that research. It came through later as Somali government was recognized after transition.

We are reminding people of this historical fact, in response to a WDM Subscriber, who has raised the issue in another context.

Have your say.

HISTORY OF MODERN SOMALIA SET STRAIGHT

The resistance against Italian colonial conquest of Southern Somalia started with the Kingdom of Boqor Osman in Bargaal and Sultanate of Keenedid in Obyo in former Mudugh Region in early 20th Century. Italian Navy had used warships to bombard the Seat of Boqor Osman in Bargaal on the shores of Indian Ocean in Eastern Somalia.This was followed by Northen Derwish Movement of late Sayid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, better known as Ina Abdulle Hassan by Somalis or Mad Mullah by the British colonial Military Administration of Somaliland Protectorate (the best good book about the Sayid’s Movement called ” The Divine Madness” was written by Prof. ABDI sheikh Abdi). This movement mainly focused on fighting the British occupation in the North of the country. It was religious/nationalistic armed organization taking cues and inspiration from Mahdist Movement in the Sudan then.

About the same time or a bit earlier, deep in the South, there was Sheikh Hassan Barsame’s struggle with the Italian Colonial Administration. This resistance, however, was about Sheikh’s wish for the preservation of slavery for the plantation fields of his community in lower Shabelle Region. The Italians wanted to abolish slavery under pressure from the provisions of the European Accord on suppressing slavery (The 1926 Slavery Convention or the Convention to Suppress the Slave Trade and Slavery was an international treaty created under the auspices of the League of Nations and first signed on 25 September 1926).

Ahmed Gurey’s Movement in Abyssinian Campaign ( known as Ahmed Gran by the Ethiopians) was religious in nature rather than a national movement for freedom. “Fatuh Al-Habasha” or the Opening/Penetration of Abyssinia is the best literary works written on Gurey’s Campaign.

The struggle for national independence continued with the rise of the Somali Youth League (SYL) from 1943, forming the first post-colonial national government of the Somali Republic in 1960 under the unification of former colonies of the South and North of the country, until it was overthrown by Military Junta in 1969, leading to the collapse and state failure in 1991. That was the end of the Somalia’s 1st Republic.

The 2nd Somalia’s Republic (with the Federal Government of Somalia) was founded in October 2004 under National Peace and Reconciliation Congress, 2002-2004, in the town of Mbagati, Kenya. Villa Somalia was liberated by the forces of the Founder of the 2nd Somalia’s Republic, the late President of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), Abdullahi Yusuf, in 2006. Some Somalis were made to believe that Ethiopian soldiers had assisted Mr Yusuf in liberating the Villa. That is far from the truth. The Ethiopians had entered Mogadishu after a few days after Mr. Yusuf had seized and restored Somalia’s Presidency. Yusuf’s Government had rehabilitated and repaired Villa Somalia. In the words of former Somalia’s president Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, “not a teaspoon was missing from the Villa as I came in”

Mogadishu Airport was re-opened by now defunct Union of Islamic Courts (UIC/ICU) after many years of stateless Somalia, but, it was rehabilitated and expanded by Yusuf’s government, renaming it Aden Abdulle International Airport. It also had made the Mogadishu Harbor operational and returned it to government control for the first time since 1991.

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ADAM JAMA BIHI: THE UNRECOGNIZED TALENT OF PUNTLAND STATE, A GREAT PUNTLANDER

DO YOU KNOW THAT WITHOUT THE PIONEER WORKS OF ADAM JAMA BIHI WITH HIS WAR-TORN SOCIETY, THE CREATION OF PUNTLAND STATE WOULD HAD BEEN DIFFICULT, IF NOT IMPOSSIBLE? ASK AROUND TO KNOW ABOUT HIM?

As Project Manager of War-torn Society operating in North East Regions (now called Puntland), an international NGO owned, financed and based in Switzerland, Adam Jama Bihi had diverted the entire resources of the organization, including personnel to the successful conclusion of the two founding community congresses in Garowe with the product result: The Puntland State of Somalia. He had helped in hiring five Western European Constitutional lawyers and one Egyptian lawyer to help draft the founding Puntland Charter. Because of his bold and patriotic act in helping create the New State, he was severely reprimanded and sanctioned by his overseas bosses then, including Matt Bryden, the current VIP of SAHAN AFRICA. This sanction against Adam Jama Bihi had continued for many months after the successful establishment of Puntland State. Bihi’s actions are justified in the sense that he was helping a war-torn society, the true mission of that organization.

Adam had died in a car accident at “Xalima Dheere Mountain” near Garowe while he was traveling from Galkayo before War-torn Society operations came to an end in Puntland. His passing away was one of my saddest moments in life. He was gifted and genius, perhaps, in par with Einstein, if not more talented.

As activities of War-torn society were concluded, following Adam’s death, Puntland Presidency had moved to create PDRC (Puntland Development and Research Centre), mainly thanks to Adam Jama Bihi’s works under War-torn Society. I had pushed the idea and drafted the initial papers to establish PDRC, becoming myself a member of the Founding Board together with Waldo, Jurile, Abdiqawi of ICJ and Ali Isse Abdi of SSC Regions (Khaatumo), among a few more. We had appointed Abdirahman Abdulle Shuke as its Director-General under PL Presidency. It was a parastatale agency, but, because we didn’t have the funds to support the agency, we allowed it to operate as NGO. Abdiqawi and Ali Isse Abdi had never contributed anything meaningful to PDRC establishment or operations.

Like many of the talented personalities in Puntland, Adam had political frictions with then PL President Abdullahi Yusuf. In fact, I was the binding link between the President and perceived or real opposition elements in the country and overseas. These included General Cadde Muse, Mohamed Abshir Waldo, to name just a few of many others.

The late President had been accusing Adam Jama Bihi of collecting and empowering the opposition. One evening President Abdullahi Yusuf, Mohamed Abshir Waldo, Adam Jama Bihi and I were discussing an issue at sitting room of the President in Garowe. Hot argument broke out between Abdullahi Yusuf and Adam Jama Bihi. Nothing was spared between them except physical blows. As Waldo and Bihi had left us, I advised the President to allow me to look into the accusations that Bihi was supporting the opposition. He accepted my offer. I started attending Bihi’s War-torn Society workshops. I found out that a civil war breaks out when members of any society stop talking to each other. Adam Jama Bihi was facilitating that talk or dialogue happening and getting stronger in North East Somalia. Unfortunately, the President misunderstood Bihi’s noble and patriotic mission. I had, however, reported back to the President, warning him of his misconceptions. I don’t believe that he had heeded my advice as he continued bashing anyone perceived to belong to the opposition.

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