Take a listen to Banadir Police Commander, General Sadiq Omar

This is a developing story. Stay tuned.

PS: The Commander of Federal Police, General Hijar, a Farmajo loyalist, has summarily dismissed General Sadiq Omar (Sadiq John).

To understand, in principle, what is going on in Mogadishu right now, please read this article: https://ismailwarsame.blog/2021/03/27/fgs-beginning-of-the-end-of-farmajo-regime/

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2021/03/31/somalia-a-new-warlord-in-town/

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2021/04/11/strong-language-from-former-united-states-america-ambassador-to-somalia/

Take a watch

At least, beggers have limited choices in the sense that Somalis can’t have both ways: full sovereignty and barely surviving on the security protection and handouts from the International Community. The Federal Government of Somalia could lose presence and relevance in Mogadishu within hours if it weren’t for the security protection of AMISOM. AMISOM itself is bankrolled by the big donors of IC. No doubt Somalia has the potential to remain a free and sovereign country, only if she puts her house in order by uniting her citizens and resolving the outstanding issues at heart of the current political paralysis and electoral impasse. To move Somalia forward, it requires the country to be in peace with itself – a nation reconciled after vicious civil war and recognizing that strength lies in unity of its people and purpose.
The call in a united voice by the international community in a strong communique this morning is also a clarion call for Somali Federal Institutions to heed this collective warning. It would turn out ugly, if Somali leaders don’t get the message, for the status quo isn’t only unsustainable, but also illegal and unconstitutional.

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2021/04/10/a-mess-at-puntland-ministry-of-public-works-auto-taxation-offices/

In SOMALIA Members of the federal and state security forces committed numerous abuses.

Significant human rights issues included: unlawful or arbitrary killings, including extrajudicial killings, by government forces; torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment by the government; arbitrary arrest or detention; political prisoners or detainees; serious problems with the independence of the judiciary; serious abuses in an internal conflict, including killing of civilians, enforced disappearances or abductions, torture and physical abuses or punishment, unlawful recruitment or use of child soldiers, and other conflict-related abuses; serious restrictions on free expression, the press, and the internet, including violence, threats of violence, or unjustified arrests or prosecutions against journalists, and criminal libel laws; inability of citizens to change their government peacefully through free and fair elections; restrictions on political participation; pervasive acts of corruption; lack of investigation of and accountability for violence against women;

https://www.state.gov/reports/2020-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/somalia/

https://wp.me/p32mpX-2Yq

Take a watch.

This is happening at the Ministry of Public Works after more than two decades of self-government in Puntland. There is still no concept of line-up to access services in public places, no face masks and no social distancing in the Era of Coronavirus. No single employee or guard was in hand, managing these unruly throngs of people gathering in one spot. It looked like a flock of scavengers fighting for a piece of animal corp. I went there today to get a quarterly sticker for my vehicle and got stuck in this dystopian chaos. Finally, I had had enough of it and decided to drive away. It was a wild dream for all the vehicles in the Ministry campound blocked one another with no outlet to drive through. Vehicles were packed up and parked in the same disorderly way people inside the taxation offices were pushing and roughing up upon one another. Finally, when I got a small opening to drive through, I was stopped at gate for I didn’t have that elusive sticker. I had to negotiate for my way out with the gatekeeper and luckily got let out.This Ministry badly needs cleaning up. It is engaged in unacceptable ways of delivering public services for real hard-earned people’s money.

This kind of hazel and inconvenience had turned motorists off to avoid coming to that ministry to pay off their dues. This situation of non-compliance compels the ministry to order erecting checkpoints at busy intersections of highways, creating unbearable traffic jams in Puntland towns. This state of affairs has been there for many years without anyone thinking of how to improve the system. Online payment option and establishing auto-kiosk centres could go far more better to increase government revenue and make life easier for Puntland motorists and personnel at ministry.

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2020/12/27/currency-crisis-in-somalia/

Somalia’s Electoral Conundrum: An Alternative to the Mogadishu Model

This commentary explains the current impasse around elections in Somalia and proposes a potential alternative to the indirect elections of the September 17 ‘Mogadishu Model’ (which now appears unworkable). This alternative involves the extension of the Somali Parliament’s mandate for 2 years and the election of new speakers. These speakers would organize a parliamentary election of a President for a 2-year mandate. The president would then put together an inclusive government of national unity. This government would be tasked with organizing direct elections in Somalia after 2 years, in which the president elected by the Parliament would not be able to stand as a candidate. This is an unusual and innovative model which – inevitably – has its own limitations. Nevertheless, this commentary argues that the current electoral stalemate and extraordinary political circumstances require the consideration of such options.

Somalia is at an uncertain crossroads. It was expected that indirect elections would be held in 2021. Although one-person-one-vote elections were originally envisaged, it became clear by early 2020 that the preparations and political will for these were not adequate. This led to the exploration of alternative model(s). After several Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and regional Federal Member State (FMS) presidential meetings in Dhusamareb and Mogadishu, an indirect election –  similar to the 2016 electoral process – was agreed in Mogadishu on 17 September 2020. The agreement (also known as ‘The Mogadishu Model’) was approved by the two chambers of parliament on September 26. This was followed by an agreement on the technical details of the election on October 2.

However, after more than six months since the indirect elections agreement was signed, it seems that the agreed model is not working. Its implementation initially faced several challenges. The three main challenges that the 17 September Agreement (the Mogadishu Model) faced before February 8 (when the constitutional mandate of President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo ended) related to (a) the civil servants and members of the security forces appointed as members of the federal and state-level election implementation teams; (b) the Gedo region and the federal forces operating there; and (c) the appointment of the commission managing the election of Somaliland representatives.

The challenges and dynamics surrounding the Mogadishu Model have evolved and new obstacles emerged in February 2021. These have further worsened the already fragile trust among the political elites in Somalia.

The Trust Deficit and the Impracticality of the Mogadishu Model

Although the Mogadishu Model was agreed on 17 September last year, in the 5 months before the end of President Farmaajo’s term, Somali leaders failed to address the above three contentious issues and thus avert a constitutional crisis in early February. The best chance appeared to be the fourth Dhusamareb meeting in early February 2021 between the National Consultative Council members (the NCC is comprised of FGS president and presidents of five FMSs and the governor of Benadir region). President Farmaajo left the meeting on February 6, two days before his mandate ended, although at that point most of the contentious issues had been agreed upon. However, the constitutional mandate of the president ended on February 8 (the mandate of the parliament had ended on December 27, 2020), and without a new plan for elections in place, the current government faces a crisis of legitimacy. The FGS stated that they are legitimate until a new government is elected although the president himself has not spoken to the public since February 8.

The contentious issues were later further agreed upon by a technical committee appointed by the Prime Minister on 16 February 2021 in Baidoa, ten days after the president left the Dhusamareb meeting. However, the agreement needs an endorsement by the NCC, which has proved a challenge as the Puntland and Jubaland presidents have both questioned the convening mandate of President Farmaajo.

Events since February 8th have further deteriorated the already fragile trust among Somalia’s political elites and have added more challenges on top of the three previously outstanding issues of contention.

Firstly, the Council of Presidential Candidates’ Union (formed in November 2020 by a group of 14 presidential candidates including two former presidents and a former prime minister)  planned a demonstration in Mogadishu’s Daljirka Daahsoon, and the FGS used security forces to stop this rally. The opposition had also deployed technical and security forces, and General Indha Adde seemed to have triggered the armed clash.  There was heavy gunfire on the night of 19 February near the hotel housing the two former presidents and other politicians. Subsequent firing on demonstrators led by politicians (including the former prime minister) near the airport also occurred. These events have worsened the already fragile trust. It has added another complication to the 17 September agreement as actors raised questions relating to election security and the role of President Farmaajo in the electoral process.

Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Rooble started talks with the opposition a few days after the 19 February incidents and the FGS agreed with the opposition to secure the Daljirka Daahsoon area and the demonstrators. However, another subsequent demonstration planned for 26 February did not happen. The Council of Presidential Candidates’ Union stated that the government had closed all roads and that they were thus postponing the demonstration.

Secondly, Puntland and Jubaland presidents have questioned President Farmaajo’s authority to convene the NCC meeting. Although they set conditions for coming to Mogadishu and meeting with the FGS (since the constitutional mandate of the FGS ended) to address the contentious issues of the 17 September agreement, they later came to Mogadishu (in March 2021) with the invitation of the international community. After more than a week of their stay in Mogadishu, the much-expected meeting was announced by President Farmaajo on March 20 soon after the US Secretary of State Antony Blinken issued a press statement asking Somalia leaders to hold elections immediately. Since Puntland and Jubaland presidents publicly stated that the mandate of the President ended, and he should not convene the NCC meeting as well as disagreed with the leaked NCC meeting agenda, a partial meeting between President Farmaajo, Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Rooble, presidents of South West, Galmudg and Hirshabelle, and the governor of Benadir region chaired by President Farmaajo started in Mogadishu’s Afisyoni hall (the exact hall the February 2017 presidential elections happened) on 22 March. The UN called it a pre-meeting with partial FMS representationand highlighted the need for further informal consultations to ensure full participation.

At the same time, a rival camp emerged with the Council of Presidential Candidates’ Union, Puntland and Jubaland’s regional state presidents, and the Somaliland Political Council (Somaliland politicians linked to Senator Abdi Hashi) forming the Somali National Salvation Forum. Chaired by Abdi Hashi, the Upper House chair, the Forum was established (according to a press release) with the mission to ensure free and fair elections; safeguard national unity, and maintaining political stability and national security. The formation of this forum shows how electoral politics is now split between two camps.

Thirdly, there is significant pressure from the international community, which has reiterated that they will not support parallel or partial elections and extension of prior mandates. This has led to a critical response from the FGS to other countries intervening in Somalia’s internal affairs. The FGS Minister of Information said: “That is a red line that must never be crossed.” This response illustrates the FGS’ dissatisfaction with how the international community is approaching Somalia’s election impasse.

Fourth, the House of the People of the bicameral Somali parliament has started efforts to extend its mandate and the mandate of the president for two years. Although the initial agenda shared related to Covid-19 deliberations, the parliamentary meeting on 27 March ended without opening the session because some MPs obstructed the meeting. The speaker of the House of the People subsequently issued a letter sanctioning 15 MPs to attend the upcoming five sessions for obstructing Saturday’s planned session. On 31 March, the House of the People held a session again. Although all roads to the parliament building were closed and the 15 MPs were blocked to enter the parliament hall, an extension was not discussed.    

A unilateral mandate extension by the House of the People could further complicate the election impasse and could lead Somalia into uncharted territory. Is there an alternative solution to the 17 September agreement?

A Way Out: Extending the Parliament’s Mandate and Electing new Leaders

It seems that the Mogadishu Model is not workable. Amendment to the key components of the model, as well as restoring lost trust (including concerns of the security of the election) will require high-level all-inclusive discussion among key stakeholders. These are not evident at the present moment. To avoid a vacuum that could trigger instability and confrontations in Somalia, one option that could be explored is extending the mandate of the two chambers of Parliament and electing new speakers (six of them, three speakers of the House of the people and three of the Upper House) and a president for a new two years mandate.

This is an option that can become a solution for the current election impasse. First, the bicameral parliament – after consultations and with the acceptance of all actors – including the FMS leaders, the National Salvation Forum, and the international community – could be given a two-year mandate by the National Consultative Council with the condition that they will elect new speakers and the president. Like the September 17 Agreement, the new deal will be endorsed by the two chambers of parliament in a joint session.

Second, the parliament elects a president with a two-year mandate. A condition for the presidential candidates will be that they will not be eligible for re-election in the next election. This president (elected by Parliament)  will, however, be eligible for election after the next election, when the term of his successor ends. This should be part of the signed agreement.

With this model, the election of the speakers of parliament and the president can be arranged in just three to four weeks after an all-inclusive agreement is reached. Each chamber of the parliament elects its oldest person as an interim chair, and they will select commissions that organize the election of the speakers of the parliament. When speakers of the House of the People and the Upper House are elected, they will form a joint parliamentary committee that leads the presidential election.

Third, after the election of the president by parliament, a Government of National Unity that includes all key actors will be formed. Members of the parliament should not be included in that government. This will contribute to the separation of powers of the legislators and the executive and would advance accountability and checks and balances.

Fourth, a roadmap and key priority issues will be assigned for the new Government of National Unity. The government will be asked to focus on reconciliation and trust-building, security, completion of the constitutional review, federalization, and direct elections (or an enhanced participation (in)direct election) in two years. There should be a work plan for the two years that is reviewed every 6 months for the new government by the parliament.

This arrangement has several benefits. First, it will address the election impasse that resulted from the end of the constitutional mandate of federal institutions as well as potential election-related violence. Second, the aspiration to conduct direct elections will be revived, and there will be the opportunity to organize direct elections after two years. Third, a Government of a National Unity with key targets to achieve will be formed. Finally, this will most likely bring some change to the leadership of the parliament and the president.

However, it will face several challenges. First, it will not likely get the buy-in of President Farmaajo who probably has less chance for re-election given his complicated relationship with the MPs in the last four years, as well as with the leadership of the House of the People, Puntland, Jubaland, and the opposition politicians in Mogadishu. Second, this option will not give much leverage to the FMSs who would be able to manipulate seats if an indirect election along the lines of the Mogadishu Model is actually conducted. Therefore, some FMS presidents may refuse to support it. Third, a Government of National Unity may not be able to achieve direct elections in two years. Finally and perhaps more worryingly, this could set a precedent for the parliament mandate to be extended, and MPs could seek another extension after the end of the two years.

Notwithstanding these limitations, it seems that this is a potentially viable option that could be considered for the best interests of Somalia, given the current political stalemate.

Election Series: This commentary is the eleventh paper of our election series. SPA welcomes and very much appreciates comments, feedback, and ideas relating to Somalia’s anticipated federal and state level elections.

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2019/05/31/ramadan-coming-to-a-close/

By Staff Writer

Mr Farmajo’s options for automatic extension and consequently rigging Somali elections are narrowing as he is desperately trying to frustrate the International Community and participants in the “Consultative Meeting ” in Afsiyone Xalane camp.

In the weeks that the IC and other Somali stakeholders were doing everything they could to bring FGS and FMSs leaders together, Farmajo has been taking several steps to force President Deni and Ahmed to leave the talks:

1. Engineered and exaggerated protestors in Puntland State
2. Staged defection of Jubland’s former Security minister Janan
3. Facilitated Interior Minister’s meeting with Jubbaland “Elders”.
4. Released previously recorded statement falsely claiming that talks had collapsed. These actions were deliberately engineered and meant to force presidents Ahmed and Deni to leave talks. Fortunately, both leaders understood Farmajo’s incredulous behaviour. The fact that both leaders remained in talks, despite the relentless provocations, is indicative of their realisation of how serious Somalia’s political situation is.

Puntland & Jubbaland are what stands between Somalia going back to civil war and/or a new dictatorial regime to take hold. It is, therefore, imperative that these leaders get all the necessary support they so deserve.

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2016/11/29/remembering-the-unsung-and-forgotten-heroes-of-labaatan-jirrow/

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2021/04/08/wdm-editorial-mogadishu-talks-collapse/

The talks have collapsed, despite great efforts, resources and time spent for their success. The main reason for the failure was a predetermined plan to forfeit any positive outcome on the part of FGS leaders, who are now resisting calls to either resign or accept the obvious constitutional sanction that their four-year mandate had ended two months ago. It is unprecedented constitutional crisis hard to ignore by anyone trying to help Somalia survive this flagrant abuse of power and disregard for the rule of law. It is no longer how and why the talks have collapsed, it is about allowing attempt by illegitimate and outlaw President to dictate the agenda of an existential meeting on the way forward for Somalia in serious trouble now.

To those participants in the talks on the other side, who claim that the talks didn’t collapse yet, they must accept the fact that it takes a group of persons to play the Somali folklore dance called “WALASAQO”. Do they have partners to play with?

Finally, If Mohamed Abdullahi (Farmajo) had been able to install by force three Heads of Federal Member States before the eyes of Somalis and the world community at large, why can’t he get away with squattering in Villa Somalia without any legal consequences?

(This editorial has been revised since posting).

WDM SOMALIA MONITOR, aka, Warsame Digital Media has the pleasure inform our readers of the good news that there has been a considerable number of paid applicants for annual subscriptions within the past few months. We are here to express our appreciation and gratitude to you all for taking the time and resources to make this happen. Together we will make a difference in building up an informed community of readers for better Somalia.

The Chief Editor

Take a watch

https://fb.watch/4J3fEUa1tI/

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2020/09/05/self-confidence-in-nation-building/

Of all the noises of Khaatumo on SSC, no one among its past leaders had ever raised the cause and plight of Sool, Sanaag and Ayn beyond the rhetoric among Somalis. No wonder that the international community never knew what was happening in those regions except the propaganda and official versions of Somaliand Administration.

Residents in the SSC Regions must be told about the truth that they were betrayed after they had been misled by those whom they trusted. The hatred cultivated in the process towards their fellow compatriots in Puntland State is part of that betrayal and treason committed by those who lied to the people of Sool, Sanaag and Ayn.

This story is based on the experience of one fellow from SSC Regions, who one day on his own initiative, wrote a letter and handed it over to USA Embassy in Nairobi during Obama Administration on the situation of SSC Regions. That fellow was surprised to be told by Embassy officials that it was the first time they saw and met someone talking about the interests of those regions. Mesmerized, this fellow asked the diplomats, “How come this could had happened?”. The diplomats responded, “Everybody used to talk about and pursue their own personal interests”.

Of the five Federal Member States of Somalia, only two came about through legitimate community consultations as required by principle in state formation. Only Puntland and the Southwest can pass the test of democratic process, coming into existence as FMSs. Galmudugh, Jubaland and Hirshabelle were created and imposed artificially. Jubaland was etablished by the joint military operations and occupation of Kismayo by Ras Kamboni Brigade (remnants of Al-Shabab and ICU militia led by Ahmed Madobe), and Kenyan Defence Forces. It was a grand regional plan of Ogaden territorial expansion at expense of Harti and Marehan. The strategic thinker of this Grand Regional Plan (GRP) was the late Kenyan Senator Yusuf Haji, supported by Hussein Halane and Omar Ilay of Region Five of Ethiopia. Yusuf Haji was the Kenya’s Defence Minister at the time of Kismayo occupation. Kismayo isn’t only under occupation now, but also suffers from absolute DICTATORSHIP with Madobe’s use of brute forces of Ras Kamboni Brigade and Liyiu Police of TPLF. Among the residents of Kismayo, nobody feels safe, especially families and young girls. A modicum of administration in Kismayo is run by school dropouts of Somali Kenyans from Northeast Kenya.

Galmudugh exists only by name and doesn’t even qualify for federal member state status under the Provisional Federal Constitution, requiring at least two regions to come together to form a regional state. Swathes of territory they claim is under Al-Shabab control. President Qoor Qoor is a paper tiger, despite the noises around.

Hirshabelle never had had a community consensus to form a regional administration. The most prominent traditional leadets had opposed the FGS efforts then proclaiming it. Hirshabelle was imposed upon by the Federal Government of the day.

Heads of the administrations of Southwest, Galmudugh and Hirshabelle are regional governors appointed and forcefully installed by the Federal Government, in some cases, through violence, blood-letting and violations of human rights.

After the general elections are done with, it would require to revisit the legal status of Galmudugh, Hirshabelle and Jubaland to reset them right.

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2021/04/04/how-would-you-advise-presidents-deni-madobe-and-council-of-presidential-candidates-in-mogadishu-talks/

The 17th September Agreement and subsequent Baidoa Understanding by the Technical Committee need to be implemented by all parties in a spirit of cooperation and collaboration to have safe and secure elections, leading to a free and fair poll. This cannot happen without clarifying:

1. What is the power of a president whose constitutional mandate has expired?
2. Are there legislative powers of a parliament whose constitutional mandate has ended, and which is still threatening to legislate and even consider extending its term beyond the four-year mandate? An expired Parliament illegally contemplating stretching the president’s stint to more years without an election?
3. Would the army and other state security services be neutral in maintaining law and order under the laws of the land or would they be loyal to a government that has no constitutional authority to suppress dissent and election campaigns of the opposition?
4. Would the occupant of Villa Somalia allow a care-taker Government led by a prime minister to function?
5. What about the influence of foreign money on the elections, and who is going to be the watchdog against such interference?
6. Would the Federal and State electoral committees be independent to conduct free and fair elections?
7. How would you secure election polling stations and by whom?
8. Are there contingent security plans in place to prevent and control potential wide-scale election violences?

These are the questions and potential more that must be raised and answered in the on-going Mogadishu talks. FGS must be forthcoming and upfront to work out these details with the FMSs. Other issues like recent confrontations between the FGS and CDC and casualties therein ocurred could be resolved by appointing an independent commission of inquiry.

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2019/05/15/trademarks-of-wrong-headed-leadership/

The spiritual leader of Buddhism, Dalai lama, had retold the world about his mistake in meeting with Mao Tse Tung, the late Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party and Revolution, the Long March, on Tibet issue. He said he didn’t know then that in any first conversation between opposing parties, and in most meetings between prominent figures, start with a small talk first, progressing slowly to substantive issues or to the purpose of the meeting.

When parties are far apart and there was breakdown of diplomacy and communication, the only thing that gets the parties talking to each other is small talk that avoids the substance like the weather of the day, family issues, anything that avoids the subject to be discussed. This is called ICEBREAKING. Icebreaking is an important element of negotiation technics and harmless tool to understand and appreciate each other’s humanity and sophistication in life. It breaks down anxieties and make everybody comfortable and at ease. It is only then that real talks and negotiations get started.

In Somali culture, it starts with jokes designed for pleasure and laughter. But, this can go wrong too and misinterpreted, if the other party has no sense of humor. It is therefore imperative to learn about the other party before you meet them. It is equally crucible to monitor and watch out body language and signs of discomforts in the other party to be able to adjust to the needs of the environment where the talks are being held. An example of jokes entertained in current Mogadishu talks that transpired when Guudlaawe and Qoor Qoor reminded Deni and Madobe that they constituted the united voice of Hawiye constituents, then Deni and Madobe had looked at Farmajo and advised him to join them as the united representatives of Darood. In reaction, Farmajo was stunned.

I am not present at Mogadishu talks taking place now between FGS and FMSs, but I suspect that both Farmajo and Ahmed Madobe look too stiff to own sense of humor in an adversity environment, and that they lack the abilities to mask their hatred to each other by utilizing small talk and humor to break the ice. I wish I could be wrong.

People are getting obese, some mentally disturbed and still others suffer from domestic violence, suicides, not to mention about job losses and high unemployment among the general population. It is alarming trend of life and livelihoods in disarray.

This alarming trend in Europe didn’t spare my own family too. My daughters in London, UK, now look like thick round dolls, putting on weight that is threatening their personal health and wellbeing. Since there were no live class-room lessons to go and attend, they are stuck uncomfortably at home. Unfortunately, their coping mechanism against frustration and depression becomes overeating, causing them severe obesity. This is a serious social and health problem in the UK and other countries of Europe the authorities cannot ignore.

The secret in maintaining weight is to eat three times a day in moderation, preferably at same time, but never eating after 7 in the evening. Better go to bed hungry after 7 than eat before sleep.

How to alleviate the suffering of the people under lockdown? There must be task forces established to study the issue for alternative approaches to total lockdown. So far the damage done to people under it is immense.

(This article has been updated since posting).

Traditionally, when economic sanctions are imposed on a given country, there are adverse socio-economic and security conditions that warrant the action. In the case of Somalia, there were serious security threats to regional and international peace because of terrorism and absence of central authority capable of maintaining law and order in the country. Three successive US administrations kept this emergency economic sanctions in place with President Joe Biden renewing it today.

The first step in removing such sanctions starts with a review to see whether the conditions that triggered the sanctions, in the first place in that country, had improved. With the potential instability caused by electoral impasse, Federal Authorities running out of constitutional mandate, renewed and daring violence by Al-Shabab in the Capital Mogadishu and lack of movement towards resolving those issues make it unplausable to lift sanctions on Somalia. The only hope in that regard was holding peaceful democratic elections.

WHAT IS AT STAKE?
The promise of financial debt relief for Somalia by the world premiere financial institutions and donor community is the first casualty in this electoral impasse. For Somalia, there will be no economic re-integration with the rest of the world without holding free and fair elections first. There will be no legitimacy either for Somali Central Authorities paralysized by political grilock. Somalia will continue to be in limbo with possibility of imposition of sanctions against some Somali leaders on travel and asylum, among other measures.

For Somali leaders, their first collective task is to hold fair elections in order for them to be listened to by the people of Somalia and the world community.