About the blogger:
This blog is associated with the former Chief of Staff in Puntland State Presidency, 1998-2004. He also worked with the UN and World Bank Joint Secretariat for Somalia’s Re-construction and Development Program (RDP), 2005-2006, as a Zonal Technical Coordinator for Puntland and later as National Aid Technical Coordinator with the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia and European Union. He is now an independent political analyst and commentator on current issues and occasionally gives historical perspective on modern Somalia’s politics. He lives and works in Toronto, Canada. He can be reached at: ismailwarsame@gmail.com
Federal Member States of Galmudugh and Hirshabelle denounce Farmajo’s recent mandate extension (April 12, 2021) – called for return to talks on the basis of 17 September 2020 Agreement. This is a significant shift of position. Things are happening in fast pace in Mogadishu. Stay tuned.
Mogadishu, 27 April 2021 – International partners* strongly condemn the outbreak of violence in Mogadishu on 25 April.
We have repeatedly warned that the extension of mandates would lead to a political crisis and undermine peace, stability and security in Somalia. In the wake of the violence on 25 April, we urge all sides to exercise maximum restraint, resume dialogue, and avoid unilateral actions that may lead to a further escalation.
We are alarmed especially by the emerging fragmentation of the Somali National Army (SNA) along clan lines, which detracts from its primary task of combating Al Shabab and protecting the Somali population. Use of security forces for pursuit of political objectives is unacceptable.
We reiterate that the 17 September agreement remains the only agreed model for elections and we urge the signatories of this agreement to return immediately to talks on that basis.
We welcome the decision of the African Union Peace and Security Council to appoint a Special Envoy and urge that this high-level representative arrives in Mogadishu and to begin work as soon as possible. We stand ready as partners to extend our support to this Envoy, and meanwhile we continue efforts to bring the parties together.
We reaffirm our respect for Somali sovereignty, unity, territorial integrity, and independence.
African Union, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Djibouti, Egypt, European Union (EU), Finland, France, Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), Ireland, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sudan, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, United States, United Nations.
These include former Speaker of the House of the People of the Federal Parliament, Mursal, whose mandate had expired in December 2020, and his deputies, Mahad and Mudey. These are co-conspirators and enablers of Farmajo’s coup of the Federal Government in April 12, 2021. They are complicit in high crimes against the state, peace and stability of Somalia.
The former House Speaker and his deputies should be marked and barred from holding any future public office. Moreover, a list should be drawn up to include all facilitators and enablers among high profile national figures, who had committed crimes against Somali State and people of Somalia.
The culture of impunity for crimes committed against the people, their interests, peace and wellbeing must stop immediately.
It is disappointing that opposition leaders aren’t deliberating on issues of national interest and abuses in public offices. One may wonder whether they are merely interested in replacing Farmajo and would embark upon committing same abuses of power.
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In a last desperate attempt to continue squattering in Villa Somalia, Farmajo is reportedly bringing in more troops to Mogadishu. Units of militia associated with the so-called Somali National Army, SNA, are being flown in from Gedo, while those, who were sent earlier to Eritrea and Ethiopia for military training, are being rushed in. It will be seen how effective fighting forces they could be in an urban warfare in unfamiliar terrain in Mogadishu. The new additional forces, however, will give Farmajo more room to negotiate with mainly Hawiye opposition leaders from a position of strength. With that, he will also pose a challenge to the members of the international community stationed in Halane Campound in Mogadishu.
It is amazing to note here the fact that most Somali politicians, or the so-called political stakeholders, aren’t calling it for what it is: A coup d’etat of the Federal Institutions took place in April 12, 2021. Yes, they talk about the end of Farmajo’s four-year mandate and his illegal extension, but that isn’t the full picture of what had happened. Farmajo had overthrown the Federal Government of Somalia as he did with the Federal Member States of Galmudugh, Hirshabelle and Southwest to pave the way for this coup. It would be rather naive to expect him to give up what he has taken away by force and through illegalities, until he is compelled to do so.
On one side, confronting Farmajo’s forces, though not for same objectives and reasons, are:
Al-Shabab
Hawiye clan militia led by the opposition
Militia of anti-government businesses and interest groups.
Stray militia for robbery and looting
On the other side, Farmajo’s Forces are:
Military, police, secret services, recruited and hailing from Hawiye, Marehan and Digil&Mirifle clans.
Barring de-escalation of armed confrontations in Mogadishu, Farmajo is extremely vulnerable, based on increasing likelihood that many of current FGS forces will desert him along their sub-clan lines. So much for the Farmajo’s Somali National Army, SNA.
Last night Farmajo had realized that his main military forces, Gorgor and Haramcad, couldn’t be trusted, as the opposition used clan cards in their respective areas to fragment the forces along sub-clan lines. Then, last night Farmajo have been calling people like Abdi Qaybdid and others to reduce tension. But, the oppostion demanded Farmajo to withdraw his forces, which he did. So what is the solution now? Farmajo has to accept election process to proceed with assurance by third part (1). Security forces will be influenced by the opposition to remain calm till Farmajo promise is seen rolling in (2). If above two go well, all the rest of militias wouldn’t have chance to destroy the state (3).
Hawiye are now understood to be avoiding destruction of Mogadushu. But, if Farmajo refuses to compromise, then Hawiye are ready to fight on, even if the city could be destroyed. That is their position now.
Once Farmajo’s forces are defeated, it would be back to square one between Islamists and warlords in the same manner as now defunct Union of Islamic Courts and Warlords were then.
The presence of international community in Halane Campound in Mogadishu Airport could be reduced radically, and AMISOM mission in Somalia would change, and if the worst scenario plays out, could be pulled off altogether. Western embassies would relocate, reducing some heads of missions to the status of “Special Envoys” to Somalia.
There wouldn’t be any talk on holding elections as Federal institutions could begin to unravel. We could look back at FGS as an experiment that went badly.
Forces of proxy would intensify their operations in a war zone and power vacuum left by Farmajo Regime.
Conflagration and escalation of armed hostilities between Farmajo and opposition forces are happening now in different quarters of Mogadishu. Tension is building up and precarious security situation in the Capital is of deepest concern now to all Somalis. Eyewitness reports indicate fluid and dangerous conflagration of armed clashes with the use of heavy military weapons and hardware. Somali politicians may be negotiating for military ceasefire soon instead of talking about elections. This is a developing story. Stay tuned.
The crimes of the Somali Civil War, crimes against humanity and mass -cleansing of Darood residents of Mogadishu by USC leaders and forces had put the accounting for the past civil and human rights abuses of the Regime of Dictator Siyad Barre off the hook to escape justice – a historical mistake that would never face a day of reckoning in a court of law. The massive crimes of USC leaders had changed Somalia’s sense of justice fundamentally for good, creating a culture of total impunity for all sorts of crimes against the state, the individual, public and private properties.
These historical abuses of Hawiye leaders under the banner of rebels of United Somali Congress (USC) had given relevance and political cover to the criminals and henchmen of “Kacaanka” Siyad Barre. It is an irony of history that yesterday’s violators of civic and human rights of the Military Regime came forward multiple times to get elected to the highest office in the land. Now, you can’t separate Farmajo from that “Regime”. I am not suggesting that he had committed such crimes as he was too young to hold a position of responsibility then, nevertheless, he was a diplomat working for and with the regime. That alone disqualifies him for seeking the presidency and/or the post of prime minister of Somalia.
Because of what USC had done post-Barre, every yesterday’s Barre henchman now argues that Barre and his brutal regime were far better off and more patriotic than Aydid’s and Ali Mahdi’s. How would you handle such argument?
Fast-forward now to the problem of Farmajo, his disregard to the rule of law, his most recent coup d’etat, the humiliation he causes to former presidents of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, among other prominent members of the civil society in Mogadishu and beyond. Do you have the moral high ground yourselves, when you aren’t ready yet to condemn USC historical abuses? How do you plan to serve justice for the victims of Farmajo, if you were guilty of worst abuses?
Finally, when you had allowed and elected to the Federal Parliament a whole bunch of vicious warlords of USC Civil War, like Abdi qaybdid, Sudi Yalaxow, Qanyare Afrah, among others, you had proved to the Somali people that you weren’t ready to turn a new page in helping rebuild Somalia on the ashes of state failure.
Dembiyadii Dagaalkii Sokeeye ee Soomaaliya, dambiyadii ka dhanka ahaa bini’aadanimada, ka-sifayntii Muqdisha dadka Daarood ah ee ku noolaa ee ay geysteen hoggaamiyeyaashii iyo xoogaggii USC, waxay keeneen xisaabcelin la’aanta dambiyadii hore ee shacabka iyo xuquuqul insaanka ee Taliskii kaligii-taliyihii Siyaad Barre, si ay uga cararaan cadaaladda – waa qalad taariikhi ah oo aan waligiis wajihi doonin maalin xisaab maxkamadeed. Dembiyadii waaweynaa ee hogaamiyayaashii USC waxay badaleen dareenka Soomaaliya ee cadaalada asal ahaan, wanaaga, abuurista dhaqan gabi ahaanba ciqaab la’aan dhamaan noocyada danbiyada ka dhanka ah dowlada, shakhsiga, hantida guud iyo tan gaarka ah.
Xadgudubyadaan taariikhiga ah ee hoggaamiyeyaasha Hawiye ee hoosta calanka jabhadii United Somali Congress (USC) waxay siisay muhimad iyo dabool siyaasadeed dambiilayaashii iyo raggii gacan ku dhiiglayaasha ahaa ee “Kacaanka” Siyaad Barre. Waa wax lagu qoslo taariikhda in kuwii shalay ku xadgudbay xuquuqda madaniga iyo xuquuqul insaanka ee Nidaamkii Milatariga ay soo baxeen dhowr jeer si loogu doorto xafiiska ugu sareeya dalka. Hadda, ma kala saari kartid Farmaajo “Nidaamkaas”. Uma soo jeedinayo inuu galay dambiyo noocaas ah maaddaama uu aad u yaraa oo uusan qaban karin xil masuuliyadeed markaa, si kastaba ha noqotee, wuxuu ahaa diblomaasi u shaqeynayay lana shaqeynayay nidaamka. Taas oo kaliya ayaa u qalmin inuu raadsado madaxweynenimo iyo / ama jagada ra’iisul wasaaraha Soomaaliya.
Sababtoo ah wixii USC ay sameysay kadib-Barre, maalin walba baryahan adeeggayaashii Barre ayaa ku doodaya in Barre iyo taliskiisii naxariista darnaa ay aad USC wanaagsanaayeen, kana wadanisan yihiin Ceydiid iyo Cali Mahdi. Sideed u maareyn laheyd dooda noocaa ah?
Si dhakhso leh hadda ugu soo soco dhibaatada taagan ee Farmaajo, tixgalin la’aantiisa sharciga, inqilaabkiisii ugu dambeeyay, ceebeynta uu ku hayo madaxweynayaashii hore ee Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud iyo Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed, iyo xubno kale oo caan ah ee bulshada rayidka ah ee Muqdisho iyo wixii ka baxsan. Ma leedihiin laftiina damiir sarre, markii aydaan weli diyaar u ahayn inaad cambaaraysaan xadgudubyada taariikhiga ah ee USC Sideed u qorsheyneysaa inaad cadaalad ugu adeegto dhibbanayaasha Farmaajo, haddii aad dambiile ugu tahay xadgudubyada ugu xun?
Ugu dambeyntiina, markii aad u oggolaatay oo aad u dooratay Baarlamaanka Federaalka koox aad u tiro badan oo ka mid ah hoggaamiye kooxeedyadii foosha xumaa ee Dagaalkii Sokeeye ee USC, sida Cabdi qaybdiid, Suudi Yalaxow, Qanyare Afrax, iyo kuwo kale, waxaad ummada Soomaaliyeed u caddeysay inaadan diyaar u ahayn bog cusub ka fura gacan ka geysashada dib-u-dhiska Soomaaliya ee burburay dowladnimadii
So, what is happening politically in Somalia, after an outrage condemning Farmajo’s unconstitutional extension of his mandate for two more years?
Despite mixed signals from some political circles in the country, Somalis predominantly rejected this illegal power grab and coup d’etat by Farmajo.
The world community too has rejected Farmajo’s disregard for the rule of law in Somalia.
AU has condemned the extension of Farmajo’s mandate and is set to designate a mediator tasked to bring Somali parties together in building a consensus towards holding the delayed elections.
The rest of the world has put their support and trust behind the AU position on the matter and mediation efforts.
In the meantime, the disgraced outgoing Farmajo is holding up in Villa Somalia, with none in the world community recognizing him as a legitimate Somali leader – even President Ismail Omar Ghuelleh of Djibouti avoids inviting Farmajo to the inauguration.
They say that it is always calm before the storm. They also say that if you don’t understand what could happen in the future, then you don’t understand what is happening at present. There is no doubt that Somalia is in deep trouble, and the political situation is as an unpredictable as it is dangerous. The storm will come to pass amid unprecedented constitutional crisis the country had ever faced, thanks to Farmajo.
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Brussels, 23/04/2021 – 17:19, UNIQUE ID: 210423_13Statements by the HR/VP
The conclusions in the African Union’s Peace and Security Council’s 22nd April Communique on the political and security situation in Somalia are decisive and welcome.
The European Union supports the rejection of any mandate extension and looks forward to a prompt return to negotiations, facilitated by an African Union envoy, to achieve consensus for elections, based on the agreement of 17 September 2020. The EU also welcomes the call for a Troop Contributing Countries (TCC) meeting to assess the security situation in Somalia.
The EU stands ready to cooperate closely with the AU envoy and, meanwhile, appeals for calm and the avoidance of any further action that might exacerbate tension.
With six minutes of warm applause, on the streets, balconies, windows, the whole Country applauded for 6 minutes – spectacular example of leadership and defense of humanity, chapeaux !
The Germans elected her to lead them, and she led 80 million Germans for 18 years with competence, skill, dedication and sincerity. She did not utter nonsense. She did not appear in the alleys of Berlin to be photographed. She was dubbed “The Lady of the World” and who was described as the equivalent of six million men.
During these eighteen years of her leadership of the authority in her Country, no transgressions were recorded against her. She did not assign any of her relatives to a government post. She did not claim that she was the maker of glories. She did not get millions in payment, nor did anyone cheer her performance, she did not receive charters and pledges, she did not fight those who preceded her.
Yesterday, Merkel left the party leadership position and handed it over to those after her, and Germany and it’s German people are in the best condition ever.
The reaction of the Germans was unprecedented in the history of the Country. The entire population went out to their balconies of their houses and clapped for her spontaneously for 6 continuous minutes. A standing ovation nationwide.
Germany stood as one body bidding farewell to their leader, a chemical physicist who was not tempted by the fashion or the lights and did not buy real estate, cars, yachts and private planes, knowing that she is from former East Germany.
She left her post after leaving Germany at the top. She left and her relatives did not claim advantage. Eighteen years and she never changed her wardrobe. God be upon this silent leader.
At a press conference, a female Journalist asked Merkel : We notice that you’re wearing the same suit, don’t you have any other? She replied: “I am a government employee and not a model“
At another press conference, they asked her : Do you have housemaids who clean your house, prepare your meals and so on? Her answer was: “No, I do not have servants and I do not need them. My husband and I do this work at home every day.
Then another journalist asked : Who is washing the clothes, you or your husband? Her answer: “I arrange the clothes, and my husband is the one who operates the washing machine, and it is usually at night, because electricity is available and there is no pressure on it, and the most important thing is to take into the account the possible inconvenience for the neighbours, thankfully the wall separating our apartment from the neighbours is thick. She said to them, “I expected you to ask me about the successes and failures in our work in the government??”
Mrs. Merkel lives in a normal apartment like any other citizen. She lived in this apartment before being elected Chancellor of Germany. She did not leave it and does not own a villa, servants, swimming pools or gardens.
Merkel, the now former Chancellor of Germany, the largest economy in Europe !!
How would you answer to the question: What is the existential national security threat to Somalia and its people’s continued survival? Is it Al-Shabab, tribalism, ignorance, poverty, diseases, the neighbours of Kenya and Ethiopia, dictatorship or Farmajo? What do you think?
You will be surprised to find out that none of the above is the right answer. In my opinion, the biggest threat to Somalia’s continued existence as a nation-state is lack of discipline among its inhabitants. This affects them precariously in many ways: Relationships with one another, work ethics, rule of law and the constitution, organisations and national security. Somalia is a group of individuals, who have yet to learn the tools and trades of collective organisation with a common vision for survival. They have yet to watch out their faulty and red lines not to cross in order to be.
Is it easy to fix this quickly? We need expert advice on this. It seems to me, though, that changing the collective behaviour of a society would take many generations, concerted public efforts and mass education. The question is how long would you hold a nation safely together when it needs centuries to change the cultural behaviours of its people? Would the rest of world wait forever for your nation to get out of its cultural impediments? Have your your say.
All doors are closing in on him now because of his unconstitutional behavior and unwillingness to compromise as a political tool for consensus building. His disregard for the rule of law couldn’t fly in the end. Paradoxically, all Somali political stakeholders were ready for him to find a common ground for their political differences – he stubbornly resisted sitting down with them to search for Somali-driven and Somali-owned solutions. It was unnecessary to travel all the way to Kinshasa to seek help against his own constituency.
While we welcome AU mediation efforts, it was uncalled for, and a Farmajo’s own making and self-inflicted political trap. It would be one of the political irony and strange behavior of Farmajo to record a leader running away from his people to seek political self-preservation elsewhere. He would be also the first, who had tried to stage security/military/constitutional coup d’etat in Somalia since Dictator Siyad Barre. The April 12, 2021 Lower House chamber of Parliament resolution to extend his mandate was a flagrant violation of the law of the land (constitution). So was his concerted efforts and policies to dismantle Federal Member States, as it is sinful to cling to the presidency while he has lost all legitimacy to be in Villa Somalia. Farmajo would be remembered as a man, who, after spending many years in-exile due to civil war in his country of origin, returned home to re-impose the tyranny that destroyed his native country in the first place.
Farmajo now has to choose one of the two options available to him:
Resign immediately
Help resolve the problems he has created for himself and country.
Communique of the 993rd meeting of the PSC held on 22 April 2021, on the political and security situation in Somalia
COMMUNIQUE
Adopted by the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union (AU) at its 993rd meeting held on 22 April 2021, on the political and security situation in Somalia:
The Peace and Security Council,
Noting the opening remarks made by the Permanent Representative of the Republic of Djibouti to the AU and Chairperson of the PSC for month of April 2021, H.E. Ambassador Mohamed Idriss Farah, as well as the statement of the AU Commissioner for Political Affairs and Peace and Security, H.E. Ambassador Bankole Adeoye; and also noting the briefing by the Special Representative of the Chairperson of the AU Commission for Somalia and Head of AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), Ambassador Francisco Caetano Madeira;
Further noting the statements made by H.E. Mohamed Abdirizak, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Somalia; the representative of the Republic of Sudan as the current Chair of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD); the representatives of the United Nations; as well as the European Union;
Recalling its previous decisions and pronouncements on the situation in Somalia and the activities of AMISOM, particularly Communique[PSC/PR/COMM.(CMLXXVIII)] adopted its 978th meeting held on 9 February 2021; as well as the joint communique issued by the AU, IGAD, UN and EU on 10 April 2021;
Also recalling the AU Constitutive Act and the relevant provisions of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, as well as the July 2000 Lomé Declaration [AHG/Decl.5 (XXXVI)] on a Framework for an OAU Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government;
Reaffirming the commitment of the AU to respect the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Somalia, as well as AU’s solidarity with the Government and people of Somalia; and
Acting under Article 7 of its Protocol, the Peace and Security Council:
1. Expresses deep concern over the unilateral action by Somalia’s House of the People on 12 April 2021, of passing a resolution signed into law on 13 April 2021 by the President, superseding the 17 September 2020 Agreement on modalities for the conduct of elections in Somalia;
2. Condemns the actions of 12 April 2021 by the House of People, which extended the mandate of the President and the Parliament, as effectively delaying the elections, thereby undermining unity and stability of the country, the nascent democratic and constitutional processes, which also threaten the relative peace and security, as well as the important gains that Somalia has made over the years with the support of the AU and other partners with huge sacrifices;
3. Further expresses deep concern with the possible impact of the current political situation and climate on the cohesion of the Somali federation, the unity of the Somali army and security apparatuses, the process of force generation and the capability to continue to degrade Al Shabaab;
4. While acknowledging that the September 2020 Agreement was a result of a Somali-owned and led dialogue among the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and Federal Member States (FMS) leaders, as well as opposition parties, on the need for timely elections, and that Somalia is unable to implement a one-person, one vote universal suffrage in 2020/21; reaffirms that the Agreement remains the basis and the most viable path towards the holding of timely, transparent and credible elections in Somalia;
5. Urges the Somali political leaders to prioritize the country’s national interests and to immediately resume dialogue, on the basis of the September 2020 Agreement and Baidoa technical committee recommendations, in search for consensual solutions to outstanding issues that impede the organization of elections;
6. Calls on all Somali political leaders to exercise maximum restraint and refrain from any actions that may lead to an escalation of tensions and further undermine the stability of Somalia, the Horn of Africa region and the Continent;
7. Underscores the need for the Somali stakeholders to embrace an inclusive dialogue that ensures participation of women and the youth;
8. Re-emphasizes the imperative of political compromise and broad based consultations, as well as the return to transparent dialogue and nationwide consultations amongst the Somali political stakeholders, including the FGS and FMS; and thereby affirms the readiness of the AU to support such a process of dialogue through facilitation and mediation, which will identify new ways to reach consensus on the elections modalities and workable calendar;
9. Accordingly requests the Chairperson of the AU Commission to immediately appoint and dispatch to Somalia, a High Representative as Special Envoy for Somalia, to work with the Parties and other concerned stakeholders, with the support of the Special Representative of the Chairperson of the Commission and Head of AMISOM, to reach a mutually acceptable compromise, and to report back to Council within the next four weeks;
10. Underscores the need for the Somali Parties to negotiate in good faith in search for an agreement that would allow for the holding of elections and establish a stable and inclusive political atmosphere;
11. Expresses AU’s determination to assist the Somali authorities and stakeholders to implement a consensual electoral arrangement, including through the deployment of a long-term electoral assistance mission to support efforts towards its realization;
12. Requests AMISOM, pending the renewal of its mandate, to monitor the deployment of Somali Security Forces (SSF), and to this end, requests the Chairperson of the AU Commission, to urgently convene a meetings of Troop and Police Contributing Countries (T/PCCs), at ambassadorial level, as well as of the Military Operations Coordination Committee (MOCC) at the level of Chiefs of Defense Staff, to consider the security implications of the current political impasse, as well as to map options for addressing and mitigating them;
13. Calls on IGAD and the International Community, including the UN and the EU, as well as other key bilateral partners, to continue to work with the AU to bring the Somali parties back to the negotiating table and to assist them to reach a peaceful political settlement;
14. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter
Aden Abdulle Osman International Airport, Mogadishu, today. Disruption and destruction reportedly caused by the Airport employees and Intelligience Service, NISA, fighting to adhere to immigration procedures. This is a developing story. Stay tuned.
The educated minority of Somali intellectuals assume they know better when debating on Somalia’s issues and its recent predicaments. Many had received their professional training elsewhere outside the country of origin. They, therefore, are always in comparative mode in deliberating on Somalia for its best way forward. They never contemplate putting on the shoes of local natives and think of the mundane world of people suffering from trauma of civil wars, deprivations and stateless existence with no protection whatsoever from human and civic rights abuses in an environment fit for the survival of the fittest. This privileged minority of educated Somalis think only of optimum solutions to Somali misery, ignoring realities on the ground. They don’t realise that they are disconnected and delusional about how to rebuild this country. I was having a conversation with one of those guys the other day, when he suggested and asked a question as to why people aren’t willing to organise themselves and start lobbying and promoting their causes for the future? I looked at him, in fact, stared at him, for a moment, before I responded to him that wasn’t as easy as it sounds to him. Then, he complained about what he called “inflation and proliferation of traditional leadership with so many titled leaders being created on daily basis. Ahaa. I asked him, “is that bad or good?” He said that it was definitely bad idea to have so many elders around. I shared with him my notion of why this was happening. Somalis as a predominantly pastoralist society, have no developed civil society. In a nutshell, what you feel and see here are changes happening within the society towards more organized centres of influence and leadership, moving forward. It isn’t necessarily a bad thing or notorious idea. The best example of this disconnect was expressed by a governance expert from Switzerland in secondment placement in Puntland State during the first year of its creation in 1998-1999. I was his contact person at Puntland Presidency. At time there was a severe drought taking place in Puntland and nomads were losing livestock in enmase, turning owners into destitutes influxing into urban centres. The public pressure as result was unbearable – water-trucking alone took a toil.
One evening my Swiss colleague and I were having glasses of camel’s milk ( the guy loved drinking camel’s milk, a habit he picked up in Mauritania) at Zahra Islaan’s restaurant/teashop in Garowe, when he suddenly asked me, “don’t you think nomads are stupid – why don’t they slaughter their herds before they lose them to the drought, and store dried meat in sacks for them to consume it later”. I was dumbfounded.
I am not attempting here to exaggerate the fact that Somalia’s intelligensia don’t fare far better than the impressions of this white Swiss guy.
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