SOMALI MEN’S SACRED RELATIONSHIPS WITH MOTHERS-IN-LAWS AREN’T SO SACRED ELSEWHERE

By Ismail Warsame

Opinion Columnist

In Somali culture, men hold deep reverence for their mothers-in-law (sodoh). This respect is not casual but almost sacred—any man who dares break the unwritten rule risks ostracism. As I traveled beyond Somalia, I discovered this norm is far from universal. In countries like India, for instance, the mother-in-law often carries a far less honored status.

Over the years, while interacting with East Indian colleagues in the workplace and on my travels, I was struck by how often conversations turned to “the mother-in-law”—usually in tones of disdain, ridicule, or outright hostility. I initially dismissed such attitudes as crude and inhumane, until one day a friend of mine shared with me a deeply unsettling story of a Somali man whose experience with his mother-in-law shifted my perspective.

This man, out of duty and kindness, brought his wife’s mother from the unforgiving countryside of Galdogob, in Mudugh Region, to Mogadishu. He wanted to spare her the torment of scorching heat, parched earth, and chronic thirst. In his home, he gave her a self-contained room, where she began to study the Qur’an and pray five times a day, deeply grateful for the new life her son-in-law had provided.

But then came January 1991, when Mogadishu descended into the fires of civil war and clan cleansing. As the family attempted to flee, they were stopped at a militia checkpoint. The gang agreed to release his wife and children unharmed but targeted the elderly mother-in-law for rape. The son-in-law surrendered the last of his meager savings—the family’s escape money to Kismayo—to ransom her dignity. By doing so, he saved her from the worst of horrors.

In time, the family found refuge in North America. Yet the story took a bitter turn. The once-grateful mother-in-law grew hostile. One day, in a moment of rage, she slapped her son-in-law and ordered him out of his own home. He obeyed, left North America entirely, and resettled in Europe. His sons, left behind, grew up fatherless and spoiled, the family bond fractured forever.

It was then that I began to understand the attitudes of many Indian men toward their mothers-in-law. Their disdain, though still harsh, seemed less abstract after hearing such a painful story from within my own community.

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POSTSCRIPT

Among the countless tragedies of Somalia’s Civil War are stories too harrowing to forget. One such incident involved women being abducted at gunpoint from a lorry in the dead of night to be gang-raped. At dawn, one of the perpetrators made a devastating discovery: two of the victims were his own sisters.

During General Aideed’s USC occupation of Galkayo on March 3, 1991 and 1992, at least five hundred women were subjected to gang rape. Some were pregnant and miscarried from the trauma. These crimes, alongside the mass abuses in Mogadishu, stand as stark reminders of the unimaginable human toll of Somalia’s conflict.

THE SECOND DISTRACTION

In 1991, the United Somali Congress (USC) militias and clan warlords violently seized control of Mogadishu, Somalia. What followed was not just a military takeover but the deliberate destruction of Somalia’s future. The USC dismantled state institutions, ruined infrastructure, plundered systems and assets, and left the nation without the capacity to recover.

The devastation did not stop in Mogadishu. USC’s actions triggered a wave of killings, mass displacement, and indiscriminate destruction that spread across Somalia. Millions were uprooted from their homes, entire communities shattered, and the dream of a functioning Somali state collapsed. This deliberate wreckage marked Somalia as one of the world’s most glaring examples of state failure in modern history. The consequences were not confined to the capital but rippled through every city and region of the nation.

Mogadishu, once hailed as a proud African capital and cultural hub, descended into chaos. The city became synonymous with warlordism, violence, and organized crime. For decades, tribal militias and factional leaders turned the city into a battlefield, exploiting its people while denying them the peace and dignity they once enjoyed.

Even after years of international interventions and national reconstruction efforts, Somalia’s recovery has been repeatedly sabotaged by corrupt leadership. Among the most notorious figures is Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, a former civil war clerk turned politician, who squandered every chance to rebuild Mogadishu. Instead, he empowered militias and cronies through embezzlement, looting, exploitation, and wasteful spending—deliberately undermining the recovery of both the city and the Somali nation.

The tragedy of Mogadishu, and by extension Somalia, is not simply the legacy of the USC warlords of the 1990s but the ongoing betrayal by political elites who have weaponized clan loyalty, corruption, and international aid to deny their people a second chance at stability and prosperity.

If Somalia is ever to recover, it must confront this legacy of destruction and betrayal—both from warlords of the past and politicians of the present.

Ahmed Siad
September 7, 2025

Talking Truth to Power

Preface

When I first compiled these essays into Talking Truth to Power, my purpose was simple: to memorialize the turbulent years of Somalia’s recent political history through independent critical analysis. What was written then, as commentary in real time, now reads like a record of warnings unheeded.

In 2025, the issues raised in these pages remain painfully relevant. Somalia’s federal experiment continues to falter, sabotaged from within by federal leaders who exploit clan identities for short-term power rather than building national institutions. The federal system, instead of evolving into a mechanism for cooperation and shared sovereignty, has become a battlefield of mistrust. The consequences are visible in the hollowing of governance, the erosion of public trust, and the weaponization of constitutional ambiguity.

Foreign interference, which I described years ago as “so many spearmen fighting over an ostrich,” has only deepened. Turkey, Qatar, the UAE, Ethiopia, and Kenya remain active players in Somalia’s politics—each pursuing strategic interests while Somalia itself remains fractured and vulnerable. Their money, weapons, and proxies have fueled division, leaving ordinary Somalis disillusioned and displaced.

At the same time, the Somali people are quietly voting with their feet. Cairo, Istanbul, Nairobi, Dubai, Kampala, and beyond now host growing Somali diasporas who left because of inflation, insecurity, and a sense that home offers little hope. This silent exodus, often overlooked in political debates, may prove one of the most significant shifts of our era: the loss of human capital and the quiet resignation of citizens who have ceased to believe in their state.

The essays in this volume—whether about Puntland’s lack of strategic vision, Mogadishu’s capture by foreign agendas, or the failures of leaders to rise above clan politics—stand as both analysis and indictment. They remind us that Somalia’s crises were neither sudden nor inevitable. They were cultivated by choices, by negligence, and by an elite class unwilling to learn from past mistakes.

Yet, there is still a lesson in these pages for the future. The Somali people have always shown resilience. SSC-Khatumo’s reassertion of political agency, Puntland’s insistence on federal rights, and civil voices demanding accountability are signs that the struggle for self-determination is not over. If anything, these scattered sparks point to the possibility of renewal—if only leaders can place principle above power, and citizens above clan.

This 2025 preface is not a republication of the book. It is a reminder that the fight to “talk truth to power” remains unfinished. My hope is that readers—whether students, diplomats, policymakers, or Somali citizens at home and abroad—will engage these writings not only as history, but as a challenge to act differently in the years ahead.

— Ismail H. Warsame

Garowe / Nairobi / Toronto, 2025