The recent expulsion of Anna Saleem Högberg, head of the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA) in Somalia, has unveiled a web of corruption and conspiracy implicating high-ranking Somali officials. While the Somali government cited procedural errors in her expulsion order—a persona non grata (PNG) designation typically reserved for diplomats—the true motives appear rooted in a clandestine financial scheme and retaliation against principled governance. This scandal exposes not only the misuse of power within Somalia’s Prime Minister’s Office but also risks undermining international aid efforts and diplomatic trust.

The Facade of Protocol Errors
In June 2024, Somali authorities expelled Högberg, claiming the PNG letter was mistakenly applied, as she represented a development agency, not a diplomatic mission. Yet their refusal to revoke the letter, despite admitting the error, hints at ulterior motives. Investigations reveal the expulsion followed a contentious Nairobi meeting between Swedish and Somali officials. The Somali delegation, led by Kamal Gutale (Director General of the Prime Minister’s Office) and Prime Minister Hamse Abdi Barre’s advisor, Ahmed Ulex, clashed with Sweden over Högberg’s refusal to funnel $10 million into questionable channels.

The Repatriation Deal and Secret Payments
At the heart of the conflict is a covert agreement to repatriate individuals from Swedish prisons—some convicted of serious crimes, others not even Somali nationals. Sources indicate that Somali officials demanded $10 million in exchange for accepting these returnees. While repatriation programs are not uncommon, the involvement of monetary demands and the Prime Minister’s Office’s direct profiteering reek of extortion.
Högberg initially transferred 4million to the World Bank for development projects, bypassing Somalia’s Central Bank, which lacks transparency and is notorious for graft.This decision, endorsed by Sweden, infuriated Somali officials, who insisted funds be routed through their control. When Hogberg channelled another 6 million to the UNDP—another independent entity—the Prime Minister’s Office retaliated, weaponizing the PNG order to expel her.

Corruption, Conspiracy, and Abuse of Power
The scandal underscores systemic corruption within Somalia’s government. By demanding payments into opaque accounts, officials sought to exploit international aid for personal or political gain. Their readiness to expel a respected aid representative—and the involvement of Prime Minister Barre’s inner circle—suggests high-level collusion. Notably, Foreign Minister Ahmed Moallim Fiqi reportedly approved the PNG order without understanding its basis, highlighting either gross negligence or deliberate obfuscation.
Sweden’s defense of Högberg underscores the legitimacy of her actions. By prioritizing accountability, she exposed a regime more interested in profit than justice or development. The Somali government’s actions not only jeopardize foreign aid but also betray vulnerable citizens reliant on transparent governance.

Implications and the Path Forward
This scandal has dire repercussions. For Somalia, it risks alienating international partners critical to its stability. For Sweden, it raises questions about engaging with corrupt systems. Globally, it exemplifies how aid can be hijacked by predatory elites.
The international community must demand accountability. Investigations into the Prime Minister’s Office’s financial dealings, coupled with pressure to rescind Högberg’s expulsion, are essential. Donors should condition aid on institutional reforms, ensuring funds reach their intended beneficiaries.

Conclusion
The expulsion of Anna Saleem Högberg is not a bureaucratic misstep but a calculated act of retaliation by officials threatened by transparency. It lays bare a culture of corruption that undermines Somalia’s progress and international partnerships. Only through unwavering accountability and ethical leadership can such cycles be broken—for Somalia’s sake and the integrity of global solidarity.

The fall of Adan Yabaal, a strategic town in Somalia’s Middle Shabelle region, has sent shockwaves through the country’s political and security circles. Al-Shabaab, the Al-Qaeda-linked jihadist group, executed a swift and calculated offensive, overwhelming government forces and captured the town on April 16, 2025. Located roughly 245 kilometres north of Mogadishu, Adan Yabaal has long been a stronghold for government operations against insurgents. Its loss raises a daunting question: could Mogadishu be next?

Who’s Who in Al-Shabaab?

To understand Al-Shabaab’s growing threat, it’s crucial to know the figures driving the organization:

Ahmad Diriye (Abu Ubaidah) – As the emir (leader) of Al-Shabaab since 2014, Diriye has kept the group closely tied to Al-Qaeda and expanded its regional networks.

Mahad Karate – The deputy leader and head of the Amniyat, Al-Shabaab’s feared intelligence wing, which orchestrates assassinations, infiltration, and internal discipline.

Ali Mohamed Rage (Ali Dheere) – The group’s spokesperson and propaganda strategist, responsible for shaping Al-Shabaab’s public messaging and ideology.

Fuad Qalaf (Fuad Shangole) – A seasoned commander on the Shura Council, influential in the group’s expansion toward the Puntland region.

Guled Ilkacase – Recently named head of the military wing, Jabha, Ilkacase is believed to be behind recent tactical offensives, including the push into Middle Shabelle.

Ikrima (Abdukadir Mohamed Abdukadir) – A top-level planner and facilitator known for his logistical expertise and connections with other terror networks.

This tight-knit leadership allows Al-Shabaab to operate with remarkable discipline and adaptability, despite being under constant pressure from Somali and international forces.

Why Adan Yabaal Matters

Adan Yabaal is more than just a dot on the map. It serves as a logistical hub that connects several key regions and has historically been used by Somali security forces as a staging ground for operations into Al-Shabaab-held territory. Its capture is not just symbolic—it provides Al-Shabaab with a platform to project power closer to Mogadishu and disrupt transport and supply routes in the region.

How Real Is the Threat to Mogadishu?

While it’s too early to predict a full-scale takeover of the capital, there are growing concerns about Al-Shabaab’s increasing momentum:

What Favours Al-Shabaab:

Military Gaps: Somali forces are stretched thin and are grappling with the drawdown of ATMIS (African Union Transition Mission in Somalia).

Local Support in Rural Areas: In some territories, clan grievances and distrust in the federal government create fertile ground for Al-Shabaab recruitment and presence.

Operational Agility: Al-Shabaab’s hit-and-run tactics, suicide bombings, and ambushes are designed to exploit weaknesses without engaging in prolonged battles.

What’s Working Against Them:

Urban Fortifications: Mogadishu is well-defended with a strong security presence and surveillance.

Public Rejection: The population in the capital, weary of extremism and violence, remains largely hostile to Al-Shabaab’s ideology.

International Partnerships: Despite funding issues, the Somali government still enjoys critical support from international partners in terms of intelligence, air support, and training.

What’s Next?

Al-Shabaab’s resurgence in Middle Shabelle is a stark reminder that the group remains one of the most dangerous insurgent movements in Africa. While a full seizure of Mogadishu is unlikely in the immediate future, the fall of Adan Yabaal proves that complacency is not an option.

To prevent further territorial losses, Somalia’s government must move quickly—reorganize its military strategy, enhance local governance, and foster genuine reconciliation with marginalized communities. The fight against Al-Shabaab is no longer just military; it is also political and ideological.

Final Thought:
Al-Shabaab’s eyes may be on Mogadishu, but the battle for Somalia’s soul will be decided in its rural heartlands. Unless those are secured, the threat will keep inching closer to the gates of the capital.