Exposing the Illegal Land Grabbing and Misappropriation of Public Properties Under Somalia’s Current Administration: A Systemic Failure of Governance and Media


Since the collapse of the Somali state in 1991, Mogadishu has been a city plagued by chaos, lawlessness, and the systematic plunder of both private and public properties. The absence of a functioning central government created a vacuum in which powerful warlords, militias, and unscrupulous individuals seized land and assets with impunity. Decades later, Somalia’s capital continues to grapple with the legacy of this lawlessness, but what is even more alarming is that the current administration under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Prime Minister Hamse Abdi Barre is now allegedly orchestrating a new wave of illegal land grabs and misappropriation of public properties—this time under the guise of governance. These actions are not only a continuation of past injustices but also a symptom of the systemic dysfunction of all branches of the Somali government and the failure of local media to expose these gross human rights violations happening daily in Mogadishu. This failure has profound implications for national reconciliation, counterterrorism efforts, and the future of the Somali state.
A Legacy of Chaos and Plunder
The collapse of the Somali state in 1991 ushered in an era of anarchy, where public and private properties were seized by force, and the rule of law was replaced by the rule of the gun. Mogadishu, once a thriving capital, became a battleground for warlords and militias who carved up the city for their own benefit. Public lands, government buildings, and even schools and hospitals were looted, destroyed, or repurposed for personal gain. This period of lawlessness left a deep scar on the city and its inhabitants, with many families displaced and public infrastructure left in ruins.
The Promise of Restoration and Accountability
When Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was first elected president in 2012, there was hope that his administration would bring stability, accountability, and the rule of law to Somalia. His election marked the end of a long transitional period and was seen as a step toward rebuilding the Somali state. However, under his current administration, which began in 2022, there are growing allegations that the government is not only failing to address the legacy of land grabbing but is actively participating in the illegal seizure and misappropriation of public properties.
The Current Administration’s Role in Land Grabbing
Multiple reports and eyewitness accounts suggest that the current administration is engaging in the outright and shameless misappropriation of public lands and properties without following due process. Unlike the chaotic land grabs of the 1990s, these actions are allegedly being carried out under the cover of government authority, with no transparency, public accountability, or adherence to legal procedures.
1. Illegal Allocation of Public Lands
Public lands, including prime real estate in Mogadishu, are being allocated to individuals and entities with close ties to the government. These allocations are reportedly made without public auctions, competitive bidding, or any form of open process. In many cases, the beneficiaries are high-ranking officials, their relatives, or business associates. This blatant favouritism not only undermines public trust but also deprives the government of much-needed revenue that could be used for public services and infrastructure development.
2. Lack of Transparency and Accountability
The administration has failed to provide any public accounting of how these lands and properties are being allocated. There is no transparency in the decision-making process, and no efforts have been made to involve local communities or stakeholders. This lack of accountability has created an environment where corruption thrives, and public resources are treated as private assets.
3. Displacement of Vulnerable Communities
The illegal allocation of public lands has led to the displacement of vulnerable communities, many of whom have lived on these lands for decades. Without legal protections or recourse, these communities are being forcibly evicted, often with no compensation or alternative housing. This has exacerbated the humanitarian crisis in Mogadishu, where thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) are already struggling to survive.
4. Undermining the Rule of Law
The actions of the current administration are a direct violation of Somalia’s provisional constitution, which guarantees the protection of public property and mandates that all government actions be conducted with transparency and accountability. By flouting these principles, the government is undermining the rule of law and setting a dangerous precedent for future administrations.
The Dysfunction of All Branches of Government
The illegal land grabbing and misappropriation of public properties are not isolated incidents but rather symptoms of a broader systemic failure of governance. All branches of the Somali government—executive, legislative, and judicial—have failed to address this epidemic of maladministration.
1. Executive Branch: Complicity and Inaction
The executive branch, led by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Prime Minister Hamse Abdi Barre, has been accused of complicity in the illegal allocation of public lands and properties. Instead of taking action to stop these practices, the administration has allegedly facilitated them, with high-ranking officials benefiting directly or indirectly. The executive branch has also failed to enforce existing laws and regulations designed to protect public property and ensure transparency.
2. Legislative Branch: Lack of Oversight
The Somali Parliament, which is supposed to provide oversight and hold the executive branch accountable, has largely been silent on the issue of land grabbing and misappropriation of public properties. There have been no significant investigations, hearings, or legislative actions to address these abuses. This lack of oversight has allowed the executive branch to operate with impunity, further eroding public trust in government institutions.
3. Judicial Branch: Weak and Compromised
The judiciary, which is supposed to uphold the rule of law and provide a check on the other branches of government, has been weak and compromised. Corruption within the judiciary has made it difficult for victims of land grabbing to seek justice, and there have been few, if any, prosecutions of those involved in illegal land grabs. The judiciary’s inability to hold perpetrators accountable has perpetuated a culture of impunity.
The Failure of Somali Local Media
One of the most troubling aspects of this crisis is the failure of Somali local media to expose these gross human rights violations happening daily in Mogadishu. The media, which should serve as a watchdog and a voice for the voiceless, has largely been silent or complicit in the face of these abuses. Here’s why:
1. Intimidation and Threats
Journalists in Somalia face significant risks, including intimidation, harassment, and even violence, when they attempt to report on sensitive issues such as land grabbing and government corruption. Many journalists fear for their safety and choose to self-censor rather than risk retaliation.
2. Lack of Resources
Somali media outlets often operate with limited resources, making it difficult for them to conduct in-depth investigations or provide comprehensive coverage of complex issues like land grabbing. Many outlets rely on government advertising or funding, which can create conflicts of interest and discourage critical reporting.
3. Political and Economic Pressures
Media outlets in Somalia are often subject to political and economic pressures that influence their coverage. Some outlets are owned or controlled by individuals with close ties to the government or other powerful actors, leading to biased reporting or the suppression of stories that could embarrass those in power.
4. Lack of Professionalism
While there are many dedicated and professional journalists in Somalia, the media sector as a whole suffers from a lack of training, ethical standards, and editorial independence. This has resulted in inconsistent and often superficial coverage of critical issues.
The Broader Implications
The illegal misappropriation of public properties under the current administration has far-reaching implications for Somalia’s future. It undermines efforts to rebuild the state, erodes public trust in government institutions, and perpetuates a culture of impunity. Moreover, it deprives the country of valuable resources that could be used to address pressing issues such as poverty, unemployment, and infrastructure development.
A Barrier to National Reconciliation
One of the most devastating consequences of these illegal activities is their impact on national reconciliation. Since the civil war, Somalia has struggled to heal the deep divisions and grievances that fueled the conflict. Land grabbing and the misappropriation of public properties are among the main reasons why national reconciliation has been so difficult to achieve. Here’s why:
1. Perpetuation of Historical Injustices
The illegal seizure of land and property is a continuation of the injustices that have plagued Somalia since the collapse of the state. Many of the individuals and groups involved in these activities are the same ones who profited from the chaos of the 1990s. By allowing these practices to continue, the current administration is perpetuating the cycle of exploitation and marginalization that has fueled conflict and division.
2. Erosion of Trust in Government
National reconciliation requires a government that is seen as fair, just, and accountable. The current administration’s involvement in illegal land grabs and misappropriation of public properties undermines trust in government institutions and makes it difficult to build the consensus needed for reconciliation. When the government is seen as part of the problem rather than the solution, it becomes nearly impossible to bring different factions and communities together.
3. Displacement and Marginalization
The displacement of vulnerable communities as a result of illegal land grabs exacerbates existing grievances and creates new ones. Many of these communities have already suffered greatly during the Civil War and its aftermath. Forcing them off their land without compensation or alternative housing only deepens their sense of injustice and alienation, making reconciliation even more difficult.
4. Impunity and the Rule of Law
The lack of accountability for those involved in illegal land grabs sends a message that impunity reigns supreme. This undermines efforts to establish the rule of law, which is essential for national reconciliation. Without justice and accountability, it is impossible to address the root causes of conflict and build a society based on trust and mutual respect.
The Impact on Counterterrorism Efforts
The rampant corruption and state theft under the current administration also severely undermine efforts to combat terrorist groups like Al-Shabaab and ISIS. Here’s how:
1. Undermining Public Support
Effective counterterrorism efforts require the support and cooperation of the local population. However, when the government is seen as corrupt and self-serving, it loses the trust and support of the people. This makes it difficult to gather intelligence, mobilize communities against extremists, and build the social cohesion needed to counter radicalization.
2. Resource Diversion
The misappropriation of public resources deprives the government of the funds needed to strengthen security forces, provide essential services, and address the root causes of extremism. Instead of investing in counterterrorism, public funds are being siphoned off for personal gain, leaving the country vulnerable to terrorist attacks.
3. Fueling Grievances
Corruption and state theft exacerbate the grievances that terrorist groups like Al-Shabaab exploit to recruit new members. When communities are displaced, marginalized, and denied justice, they become more susceptible to the propaganda of extremist groups. The current administration’s actions are effectively playing into the hands of terrorists by creating an environment of injustice and despair.
4. Weakening State Institutions
The erosion of trust in government institutions weakens the state’s ability to respond to security threats. When the rule of law is undermined, and corruption is rampant, it becomes difficult to build effective and accountable security forces. This creates a security vacuum that terrorist groups can exploit to expand their influence.
A Call for Action
The international community, civil society organizations, and the Somali people must hold the current administration accountable for its actions. The following steps are urgently needed:
• Independent Investigation: An independent commission should be established to investigate allegations of land grabbing and misappropriation of public properties. This commission should have the authority to subpoena documents, interview witnesses, and make recommendations for legal action.
• Transparency and Accountability: The government must immediately halt all illegal allocations of public lands and properties. A transparent and accountable process should be established for the allocation of public assets, with full public participation and oversight.
• Legal Reforms: Somalia’s legal framework must be strengthened to protect public properties and ensure that those responsible for illegal land grabs are held accountable. This includes enacting laws that criminalize the misappropriation of public assets and establishing mechanisms for the recovery of stolen properties.
• Support for Affected Communities: The government must provide compensation and alternative housing for communities that have been displaced as a result of illegal land grabs. This should be done in consultation with affected communities and with the support of international partners.
• National Reconciliation Efforts: The government must prioritize national reconciliation by addressing the grievances of those affected by land grabs and other injustices. This includes creating platforms for dialogue, promoting justice and accountability, and ensuring that all communities have a voice in the rebuilding process.
• Strengthening Counterterrorism Efforts: The government must prioritize the fight against Al-Shabaab and ISIS by addressing the root causes of extremism, strengthening security forces, and building public trust. This requires a commitment to transparency, accountability, and the rule of law.
• Reforming Government Institutions: All branches of government must be reformed to ensure they are effective, accountable, and free from corruption. This includes strengthening the judiciary, empowering the legislature to provide effective oversight, and ensuring that the executive branch operates with transparency and integrity.
• Empowering the Media: The Somali media must be empowered to play its role as a watchdog and a voice for the voiceless. This includes providing training and resources for journalists, protecting press freedom, and ensuring that media outlets are independent and free from political and economic pressures.
Conclusion
The illegal land grabbing and misappropriation of public properties under the current administration of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Hamse Abdi Barre represent a betrayal of the Somali people’s trust and a setback for the country’s recovery. These actions are not only a continuation of past injustices but also a symptom of the systemic dysfunction of all branches of the Somali government and the failure of local media to expose these gross human rights violations. If left unchecked, they will perpetuate the cycle of corruption and impunity that has plagued Somalia for decades. It is time for the Somali people and the international community to demand accountability and ensure that public resources are used for the public good, not the personal enrichment of a few. The future of Somalia depends on it

White Paper: Exploring Asymmetrical Federalism and Confederalism in the Somali Context

Executive Summary
Somalia’s governance crisis demands innovative solutions. This paper evaluates asymmetrical federalism alongside a confederal system as potential pathways to address constitutional violations, federal-state discord, and security threats. While a confederal model prioritizes maximal decentralization, asymmetrical federalism offers a middle ground, granting tailored autonomy to regions like Somaliland, Puntland, and Jubaland while preserving a unified state. Both models present opportunities and risks, requiring careful calibration to Somalia’s complex realities.


1. Alternative Model: Asymmetrical Federalism

Definition:
Asymmetrical federalism allows for variable autonomy among member states, recognizing historical, cultural, or political differences. Unlike classical federalism (uniform powers) or confederalism (state supremacy), it enables negotiated, region-specific arrangements under a shared constitutional framework.

Examples:

  • Canada: Quebec has distinct language and civil law privileges.
  • Spain: Catalonia and the Basque Country enjoy fiscal and linguistic autonomy.
  • India: Jammu and Kashmir (pre-2019) and Northeastern states had special status.

1.1 Key Features

  • Flexible Power-Sharing: Core federal functions (defense, currency) remain centralized, while states negotiate additional powers (e.g., policing, resource management).
  • Constitutional Recognition: Legally enshrined differences (e.g., Somaliland’s unique status).
  • Equity Mechanisms: Redistributive policies to prevent disparities between stronger and weaker states.

2. Comparative Analysis: Federal vs. Confederal vs. Asymmetrical Federalism

AspectFederal SystemConfederal SystemAsymmetrical Federalism
SovereigntySharedRetained by statesShared, with variable autonomy
Power DistributionUniform regional powersFully decentralizedTailored to state needs
Conflict ResolutionConstitutional courtsConsensus-basedHybrid (courts + negotiation)
SecurityCentralized commandState-ledMixed (central oversight + local operations)

3. Opportunities of Asymmetrical Federalism for Somalia

3.1 Addressing Somaliland’s Secessionist Ambitions

  • Grant Somaliland constitutionally recognized autonomy (e.g., control over security, customs, and education) while retaining symbolic ties to Somalia (e.g., flag, international representation).
  • Example: Greenland’s self-rule within Denmark.

3.2 Resolving FG-FMS Deadlocks

  • Allow Puntland and Jubaland to negotiate enhanced powers (e.g., oil revenue sharing, local policing) without dismantling federal institutions.

3.3 Mitigating Fragmentation Risks

  • Maintain a unified military and foreign policy to counter Al-Shabaab/ISIS, while permitting states to manage local security operations.

3.4 Electoral Flexibility

  • Adopt region-specific electoral models (e.g., Somaliland’s hybrid clan-system elections) under federal oversight to break national deadlocks.

4. Challenges of Asymmetrical Federalism

4.1 Complexity in Governance

  • Negotiating and managing diverse agreements risks bureaucratic inefficiency and legal contradictions.

4.2 Inter-State Resentment

  • States with fewer privileges (e.g., Hirshabelle, Galmudug) may reject perceived inequities, fueling new conflicts.

4.3 Constitutional Legitimacy

  • Requires broad consensus to amend the PFC, which Mogadishu and distrustful FMS may resist.

4.4 External Exploitation

  • Adversaries like Al-Shabab could exploit governance disparities to destabilize weaker regions.

5. Recommendations

  1. Constitutional Convention:
    • Draft a new charter recognizing asymmetrical autonomy for Somaliland, Puntland, and Jubaland, while ensuring baseline federal protections for all states.
  2. Tiered Security Framework:
    • Centralize national defense and intelligence under the FG, while delegating counterterrorism operations to capable states (e.g., Puntland’s Darawish forces).
  3. Asymmetrical Resource-Sharing:
    • Let resource-rich states retain a higher share of revenues (e.g., Jubaland’s ports) but mandate contributions to a national cohesion fund.
  4. Phased Implementation:
    • Pilot asymmetrical agreements in Puntland and Somaliland with AU/UN mediation before nationwide rollout.
  5. Strengthen Federal Institutions:
    • Build impartial mechanisms (e.g., intergovernmental councils, courts) to resolve asymmetrical disputes.

6. Conclusion

Neither confederalism nor asymmetrical federalism alone can resolve Somalia’s crises. However, asymmetrical federalism offers a pragmatic compromise: it acknowledges Somalia’s diversity without abandoning unity. To succeed, it must be paired with guarantees of equity, robust conflict-resolution systems, and international support. Conversely, a confederal system risks institutionalizing fragmentation but could appeal if distrust in Mogadishu becomes irreparable. Somalia’s leaders must weigh these models against the catastrophic costs of inaction.


Endorsed by Warsame Digital Media
Date: March 11, 2025


This white paper underscores the urgency of reimagining Somalia’s governance. Whether through confederalism or asymmetrical federalism, the goal remains: a stable, inclusive Somalia capable of defeating extremism and fulfilling its people’s aspirations.