THE ECONOMIST: WAR AND HUNGER

Stopping Somalis from starving

Saving lives will involve talking to terrorists

In the contest to win recruits and funding, Africa’s jihadists
aim for notoriety. Al­Qaeda’s affi�liate in Burkina Faso has 
booby­trapped bodies to kill doctors. Islamic State West Africa
Province has beheaded captives. Boko Haram in Nigeria has
strapped ticking bombs to children and sent them into mosques
and markets. But al­Shabab in Somalia can claim to top this list
of savagery. America’s military command for Africa calls it “al-
Qaeda’s fastest­growing and most kinetically active affi�liate”. It
has abducted thousands of children to use as soldiers, slaves and
child brides. It has targeted schools and hospitals. Despite all
that, the world needs to talk to al­Shabab.
The reason is that Somalia faces a famine. The worst drought
in 40 years is killing livestock and causing crops to shrivel. Rus-
sia’s invasion of Ukraine has exacerbated the
crisis by raising grain prices, meaning that
farmers and herders cannot aff�ord to supple-
ment their diets. Roughly 7m people, or 40% of
Somalia’s population, are struggling to fi�nd
enough food to eat. Around 1.4m children are
severely malnourished. Experts say that, unless
urgent action is taken, this famine may be even
deadlier than the one that claimed more than
250,000 Somalis in 2011 (see Middle East & Africa section).
The fi�rst step towards averting calamity is for the world to
send more aid, quickly. A rapid response in 2017 prevented a
drought in Somalia from turning into a disaster. Cash sent early
is spent more effi�ciently, so less money is needed. Unfortunate-
ly, the funding today is falling far behind the targets laid down
fi�ve years ago. Although America pledged an additional $476m
on July 24th, the total raised so far is only 46% of the $1.5bn the
un says is needed in Somalia. Others should also do their part. 
The next step is where al­Shabab comes in. For the food to get
to the hungry, aid groups must negotiate with the jihadists, who
control large swathes of the countryside in central and southern
Somalia. At the moment, little help gets through to people in
these areas because aid workers are afraid of being kidnapped or
killed. As a result, starving families risk long, dangerous jour-
neys to squalid informal camps on the edge of cities. By the time
they set out, their children are often too weak to survive.
Countless lives would be saved if the food made its way to
people in the countryside, rather than the other way round. But
negotiating access with al­Shabab takes aid workers into moral-
ly hazardous territory. In previous famines the jihadists forced
humanitarian groups into handing over cash. This imposed a
dire choice on aid agencies: “Pay off� al­Shabab, a listed ‘terrorist’
organisation, or let people die,” said a report by the Overseas De-
velopment Institute, a British think­tank. Some groups, such as
the un‘s World Food Programme, temporarily withdrew from
southern Somalia. Others agreed to pay as
much as $10,000 for access, putting them at risk
of criminal prosecution under laws banning
the fi�nancing of terrorists. 
Although the president, Hassan Sheikh Mo-
hamud, elected this year, has said he would talk
to al­Shabab when the time was right, there are
plenty of reasons to balk at dealing with it now.
The group would be largely in control of where
and how food is distributed, helping it coerce Somalis. The jiha-
dists will want to deny the government credit for supplying the
aid, by controlling whose logos feature on lorries when it is deli-
vered. Payments by aid organisations would make al­Shabab
stronger. Meanwhile, charities have concluded that if they are
accused of supporting jihadists donors may abandon them, hin-
dering their work elsewhere.
None of that is good for the security of Somalia or the region.
But the world faces a trade­off�: to shun al­Shabab and watch a
famine claim perhaps hundreds of thousands of lives; or to talk
to al­Shabab in order to get food to the starving in the knowledge
that the jihadists will grow stronger. Caught between evils, the
world should choose the lesser of the two.  n�
Saving lives will involve talking to terrorists
Stopping Somalis from starving

[Courtesy: The Economist]

IS RELIGION A FORCE OF SOCIAL DIVISION IN SOMALIA?

Since time immemorial, or as long as Somalis considered themselves people of faith, the Sheikhs and Mufties of different Sunny Sects have been in ideological war against each other. This is perhaps true in other Sunny Muslim countries. Like Christian World, there are multiplying religious divisions and subdivisions. The difference is that Christian nations had managed to separate the state from the church, after a long and bitter historical struggle. Lately, Western nations were bragging about the term “freedom of religion”, while after the incident of 9/11, anyone carrying a Muslim name is a suspect of terrorism. This is clearly in demonstration at immigration entry points, police checkpoints and discrimination in the workplace. Nowdays, the state and church can’t, by law, interfere in each other’s affairs in the Christian World. Here, the only exception, enjoying common leadership (Imam) is the Shia division, mainly led by Iran. However, many Sunny scholars or sects consider Shia Muslims blasphemous, a rebellion against common spiritual leadership inherited from the Caliphates that followed Prophet Mohammed (SCWS). Whatever the case is, the Shiates enjoy more unity than the adherents of Sunny teaching.

Today any political leader in Muslim countries is rarely secular. Most often than not, he or she belongs to a particular Sunny Sect, immediately inviting resistance and anger from other sects of different school of thought. As a result, there is always political fluidity and instability within countries of Islamic Faith. Is religion a dividing force and permanent factor for national disunity in the same way tribalism plays a critical role in societal contradictions?

Here in Somalia, SYL nationalism, the First National Party for independence, temporarily succeeded in halting tribalism, but failed to freeze religious sectarianism. Obviously, this sectarianism is rooted deeper in Somali society than all the evils of tribalism. Yet, national leaders don’t show any sense of urgency to address the issue for the sake of national cohesion, least they are branded blasphemous, or at least, secular, and hence not fit to rule in a Muslim nation, according to most Somali clerics -roughly translated Qur’anic verse: “those who don’t rule by Allah’s heavenly messages are among the strayed”. To avoid criticism, Somali law-makers are defensive by saying that Somali legislations are based on Islamic law.

Let us know what you think about the matter.

WDM ANNOUNCEMENT

Do you read Warsame Digital Media WDM, Sir/Madam? Do you want to continue browsing critical analysis on Somalia’s current issues, historical context of recent political developments etc. If so, there is an annual fee for subscription. Many readers, including prominent members of the society and political-security-diplomatic figures anxiously read it and can’t wait for the next issue.

Why don’t you join them, my friend?

Contact info: ismailwarsame@gmail.com