THE HISTORICAL CLAN FACTOR IN MOGADISHU POLITICS AND REGIME CHANGE

When the late Somali President Abdirashid Ali Sharma’arke was assassinated in 1969 during a presidential visit to the town of Las Anod, Sool Region, in Northern Somalia, his body was brought back to the Capital Mogadishu for burial in a state funeral ceremony. Residents of Wardhigley Quarter of Mogadishu (Banadir Region), where the National Cemetery was located had resisted allowing a final resting place for President Sharma’arke’s body, simply for tribal reasons. He was the wrong body.

When the Military Government of Siyad Barre had collapsed in 1991, and the brutal dictator was chased out of Mogadishu by mob led by the United National Congress (USC), the Hawiye prominent figures of Barre Regime were spared and embraced by the invading Hawiye rebels and looters. Regime’s well-known figures and personalities like Vice President Hussein Kulmiye and Jilicow, the notorious National Security Services Chief, were treated and accepted as members of USC. Non-Hawiye residents of Mogadishu of mostly Darood origin were either killed or fled to safety to other parts of the country and to all corners of the world.

When Hawiye politicians rose against the late of President of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, Abdullahi Yusuf, in 2008, members of his government, including Prime Nur Adde and deputy Prime Minister Ahmed Abdisalam, among others, continued to enjoy Hawiye support.

This tribal politics of Mogadishu residents, Hawiye politicians, intellectuals and elders is one of the main factors for the existence of a defacto federalism, following the Civil War.

Now, while Hawiye opposition politicians are fighting Farmajo Government, his Prime Minister, Mohamed Hussein Rooble, is getting full endorsement and support from them. That doesn’t mean that Farmajo should be left alone. He deserves to be stopped before he does irreversible damages to peace, stability of Somalia and modest and hard-earned gains of the people of Somalia during the course of three decades. This requires collective public approach instead of Hawiye tribal confrontations with Farmajo.

The question is now, is this about regime change along tribal lines or change of government policies, and as a matter of principle, bring about a better Government? How can you have faith in Mogadishu politics? Is there any hope left for Hawiye leaders to develop a national vision?
Have your say.

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THE MAIN TAKEAWAYS FROM FARMAJO’S SPEECH LAST NIGHT

https://ismailwarsame.blog/2021/04/28/the-main-takeaways-from-farmajos-last-night-speech/

THE MAIN TAKEAWAYS FROM FARMAJO’S SPEECH LAST NIGHT

Farmajo addressing the nation last night

Despite putting out brave face with his usual fake populist messages, talking indirectly to what he perceives as his political opponents in Puntland and Jubaland, and in contradiction to his claim of addressing the nation, here are the main takeaways from his speech, which was embedded in solemn sadness, showing deep personal stress and anger:

  1. Return to the talks with Federal Member States on the electoral impasse on the basis of September 17 Agreement, 2020.
  2. Reference to the House of the people, whose mandate had expired in December 2020 (he still didn’t get it or decided to keep violating the constitution).
  3. Recognition of the statements issued by his allied Federal Member States of Galmudugh, Hirshabelle and Southwest, and Acting Federal Prime Minister Roble – surprising new political developments that acted as the straw that broke the camel’s back.
  4. Acceptance of the inevitable reality demanding holding elections in Somalia
  5. Avoidance to recognize the tremendous domestic political pressure and diplomatic isolation from world community, realities he had tried to hide from the same people he was claiming to address and inform. It was foolproof for all to see.

To paraphrase it, in a nutshell, Farmajo has accepted political defeat last night, while he was trying not to say it.

Having said that, it is hard to predict what Farmajo and his co- conspirators would do next. We wait to see it. It looks, though, that they have reached a point of no return.

PS: opposition leaders are disappointed that Farmajo didn’t go far enough to come clean from the political mess he had created.

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HEES: WUXU DOONAYAA

FARMAAJO: CADAADIS SIYAASADEED KEEN DIB U NOQOSHO SIYAASADEED

Runna ma sheegayo, beenna ma sheegayo, waase ogalaaday in aan dib ugu laabto teendhadii.

“Laba jeer baan dhagaystay khudbadii Farmaajo waxaana iiga soo baxay in Farmaajaha caaway uu Farmaajihii hore yahay.

Saddex waxyaalood baa sifa u ah:

  1. In xaqiida jirta iyo waxa lagu haysto uu ka aamuso oo soo hadalqaadin (silence).
  2. In uu ka fogaado arrimaha laysku haysto oo uusan toos uabbaarin (avoidance).
  3. In uu inkiro in khaladaadka ugu waaweeyn isaga ka imaanayaan welina ku sii socdo (denial).

weli baarlamaankii waqtigiisu dhacay buu ku sii socdaa oo weliba leeyahay “Dastuur baan ilaalinaya.”

shirkuu shalay ka soo baxay buu leeyahay “Ha lagu soo noqdo.”

Haddaba see loola dhaqmaa? Maxaa habboon in la sameeyo?”

Maxay adiga kula tahay?

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