There is calm before the storm. What is happening in Mogadishu now is re-orentation of forces and weighing of strategic/political options by Farmajo, on one side, and the Hawiye opposition forces, on the other.
Farmajo is planning his next step. He had started with bringing more troops to Mogadishu, mainly from Gedo in Jubaland and Galgadud (DusaMareb) in Galmudugh. He had sought alternative sources of funding for his regime, mainly from Gulf States of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Oman, and Turkey, among others, as Western aid to Somalia is about to dry up. He is engaged in counter-balancing his Hawiye opposition through divisions in their rank and file in seeking help from some former politicians like Hussein Aidid, Ali Mohamed Gedi, Mohamed Sheikh Gacmadheere and bunch of others. He is weighing his opinions to use the Lower House of Parliament for further political intrigues, but Somalis and world community expect them to rescind their recent controversial and unlawful act of April 12, 2021, extending Farmajo’s mandate to two more years. Farmajo sees power is slipping out of his grip. His so-called Somali National Army, SNA, is fragmenting alone sub-clan lines. Now, it is just a matter of time before he is pushed aside.
On the opposition side, there are mobilization campaigns of Hawiye political and armed militia to depose Farmajo under the pretext of holding elections. A series of meetings between Prime Minister Roble and Council of Presidential Candidates, CPC, are continually taking place in Mogadishu to seek consensus on how to handle Farmajo. They seem to have persuaded Hawiye leaders of Galmudugh and Hirshabelle, Qoor Qoor and Guudlaawe, respectively, to the side of the opposition, though reluctantly. Prime Minister Roble is using his Hawiye clan card to challenge Farmajo and to demonstrate that he is a relevant figure in Mogadishu political power plays that couldn’t be easily deposed by the Parliament like they did with former Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khaire. The opposition is also monitoring the activities of Farmajo’s henchmen, such as commanders of military, police and security forces.
Meanwhile, in their meetings, Hawiye opposition leaders were not talking about the two elephants in the room – Puntland and Jubaland.
Things are moving in Mogadishu in a fast pace. Stay tuned.
IT IS TIME TO LOOK AT AND RECORD THE BIOGRAPHIES AND BACKGROUNDS OF CURRENT SOMALI LEADERS.
DO WE KNOW WHERE THEY ARE COMING FROM AND WHAT THEY STAND FOR? HOW COME DO WE IGNORE THESE IMPORTANT FACTORS IN SOMALI POLITICS? HOW DO WE EXPECT TO FIND SOLUTIONS TO OUR POOR LEADERSHIP PROBLEMS AND NOT REPEAT THE SAME WRONGS OF YESTERDAY?
See the article in its original context from December 29, 1992, Section A, Reprints New York Times, enjoy full access to Times Machine—view over 150 years of New York Times journalism, as it originally appeared. This is a digitized version of an article from The Times’s print archive, before the start of online publication in 1996. To preserve these articles as they originally appeared, The Times does not alter, edit or update them. Occasionally the digitization process introduces transcription errors or other problems; we are continuing to work to improve these archived versions.
More than 100 religious leaders and business executives, a doctor and other prominent residents of this port city were hunted door to door and killed in three nights of terror that began on the eve of the American landing in Mogadishu, Somali witnesses and United States diplomats say.
The killings were directed by the clan leader who controls Kismayu in a move to eliminate educated Somalis who might support the Americans, United States officials in Somalia said in interviews over the past two days. All the victims were Harti, who have deep roots here and say they regard other clans as occupiers.
The clan leader was identified as Col. Omar Jess, a member of the Ogadeni clan, who seized control of the city in May. Recent public statements by him seem to support the assessment of the United States officials, who are directing more than 20,000 troops in securing relief supplies for this famine- and war-wracked country. The Night the Trucks Rolled
The night the killings began, trucks roared through town and wild gunshots could be heard as Harti were pulled from their homes and killed on the edge of the town, Somali witnesses said.
The killing is continuing, but sporadically, Somalis say, adding that the timing and the circumstances of the massacre show the treacherous terrain of clan politics that the Americans are stepping into in Somalia.
Colonel Jess, who has tried to ingratiate himself with the Americans, apparently used their impending arrival as an excuse to wipe out rivals, one associate said. On Dec. 19, 11 days after the first killings, Colonel Jess warmly welcomed President Bush’s special envoy to Somalia, Robert B. Oakley. The next day American troops arrived in Kismayu. A Roundup at 3 A.M.
The colonel also has a strong ally in Gen. Mohammed Farah Aidid, one of the two clan leaders who control Mogadishu and who have been the focus of Western diplomatic efforts.
[ General Aidid and his rival, Mohammed Ali Mahdi, embraced publicly in Mogadishu, renewing promises to end hostilities. Page A6. ]
Grim details of what happened in the killing spree were pieced together from Somalis who escaped or who hid Harti, and from Western relief workers whose agencies have tried to protect Harti employees.
Many Somalis interviewed in the last two days said they wanted the story to get out but, fearful of retribution, they insisted on anonymity.
One survivor, a man in his 20’s, said he was blindfolded with five others after loyalists to Colonel Jess broke into his house at 3 A.M. on Dec. 9. He said the women in the house were beaten with guns and the men were driven in a “technical” — a souped-up jeep with weapons mounted on it — to the beach.
The four Harti in the group were lined up and shot without questions, the survivor said in an interview here. The survivor and another man pleaded with the gunmen that they were not Hartis, and the killers took them to a Jess encampment until morning, then released them. A Surgeon Is Shot
One of the five Somali doctors at the Kismayu hospital, Mohammed Musa Sugule, a Harti, was shot in front of his wife and children, according to several Somalis and to an account given to Reginald Moreels, the president of the medical agency Doctors Without Borders.
Dr. Moreels, who arrived in Kismayu on Dec. 12, said he was told by a doctor at the hospital that Dr. Sugule, a well-known surgeon, left work one evening and joined his family in a place where there was “quarreling” with Jess fighters. Dr. Sugule was shot in the head, Dr. Moreels said.
“In the whole week after my arrival, there was a lot of clannic cleaning,” Dr. Moreels said in an interview from Brussels. “I was struck by the hate among the people. A lot of people were shot to be killed — they were shot in the head, the thorax, the abdomen. In war there are two types of injuries: to the limbs to handicap or, as in this case, to kill.” A Confusion of U.S. Goals
The American-led military intervention in Somalia has been repeatedly described by Washington as limited to securing routes for the delivery of aid.
But in the nearly three weeks since the troops landed, it has become clear that because so many of the hungry died before the foreign forces arrived, emergency food is perhaps a less critical issue than was originally outlined. Just as important now, say Western diplomats, aid workers and Somalis, is the need for political reconciliation, to allow Somalia some semblance of normality.
In the late afternoon before the Americans landed on the beach of Mogadishu, Colonel Jess called a rally in Kismayu and said the town had to be “cleared” of people who would cause problems, a member of his central committee said in an interview. The committee is a 74-member Ogadeni group, the Somali Patrotic Movement.
This was the go-ahead for the killings, the committee member said, adding that it was “obvious” that Colonel Jess’s main ally, General Aidid, was in collusion. General Aidid visited Kismayu briefly on Dec. 6, two days before the start of the killings. A Warning From the U.S.
Mr. Oakley, the Presidential envoy, said in an interview Saturday that he believed “over 100” people were killed in the clan purge. Mr. Oakley said he had told the Colonel that “we knew exactly what went on and we won’t forget it.”
The envoy, who visited each Somali town ahead of the troops to explain their role to local leaders, suggested that Washington’s possible response to the killings was limited. He said the Security Council resolution authorizing military intervention in Somalia made no provisions for trying suspects charged with war crimes.
“The legal situation is very clear,” Mr. Oakley said. “We are not an occupying power. We have no power of arrest. There is nothing in the Security Council resolution about war crimes, as there is with Bosnia.”
A Western diplomat acknowledged that by dealing with local leaders like Colonel Jess, the foreign forces ran the risk of giving them legitimacy. “Kismayu is a political problem, not a humanitarian problem,” the diplomat said. An Attempt at Isolation
Instead of taking direct action against Colonel Jess, Mr. Oakley said, attempts would be made to isolate him by encouraging traditional leaders to take part in new town committees. The American troops, joined by Belgians here, made their first moves against Colonel Jess today by surrounding a compound where he keeps a number of armed vehicles, with the apparent intention of confiscating them.
Kismayu, which has a reputation in Somalia as a particularly vicious and volatile town, has been battered by waves of occupying armies over the past two years of Somalia’s civil war. But the killings in early December were the most systematic and brutal, Somalis witnesses said.
Dr. Moreels, of Doctors Without Borders, who stayed in Kismayu until Dec. 22, said he worked on “hundreds of war wounded” in the time he was there.
On his arrival, Dr. Moreels said, he went to see Colonel Jess to seek a guarantee that all the people, no matter what clan, would have access to the hospital. Many Harti, he said, were afraid to come to the hospital and Harti staff members were too scared to leave the hospital grounds, he said. ‘Just a Little Problem’
“Jess said it was just a little problem one night and things would go better,” Dr. Moreels said. “It was a complete lie because all the nights there were clannic cleanings.”
One of the most prominent people killed was Ali Warabe, a Harti elder, several Somalis said. His body, stripped of his expensive sarong, was found with nine others at Gobuen, 10 miles north of the city, according to a Somali friend. Among others in the group, all blindfolded, were Mohammed Abdi Hersi and Gura Hadji, two senior members of the clan.
Aid workers said they knew of one Harti man who had lost 17 members of his family in the purge.
For the Harti who escaped, daily life became a torment of fear.
A young educated Harti who supervises a center for an international aid agency in Kismayu said he was grabbed on Dec. 14 at the center and surrounded by five armed Ogadeni men who said they wanted to kill him.
“They shouted at me: ‘How can a Harti man work in a place occupied by the Somali National Alliance, especially in such a post,’ ” the young man recalled, a references to the group formed by Colonel Jess and General Aidid.
He was saved, the young man said, by sympathetic workers at the center who outmaneuvered the attackers. A Smooth Character
The killings in Kismayu did not seem out of character for Colonel Jess, both Americans and Somalis said. He is described as showing a smooth veneer and being practiced at a vocabulary that he thinks will impress Westerners; his public speech to Mr. Oakley on Dec. 19 was full of references to the emerging democracy in Somalia.
But, above all, he is known as a ruthless military man.
He was also a close colleague of Gen. Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan, the son-in-law of the ousted President, Mohammed Siad Barre, when General Morgan masterminded a war in 1988 against the Isaak clan in the northeastern city of Hargeisa.
Colonel Jess attended medical school in Italy, the former colonial power of the southern part of Somalia, but never finished, a colleague said. He received his military training in the former Soviet Union.
A member of Colonel Jess’s alliance said that three days after the killings began, a senior member of the central committee, Ali Haidar Ismael, criticized the colonel in public and called him a “criminal.”
The committee member said the colonel replied that he was not a criminal, and that the actions were the recommendation of the alliance’s “security committee” as “necessary for the security of the country.
The United States notes President Farmaajo’s April 28 commitment to return to the September 17 election agreement and resume talks immediately with Federal Member State leaders. We call on the President and Parliament to act swiftly to annul the April 12 mandate extension bill.
We commend Prime Minister Roble and the Federal Member State leaders for rejecting a mandate extension. We urge Somalia’s national and Federal Member State leaders to meet immediately to finalize a consensus-based electoral model and hold parliamentary and presidential elections as soon as possible on the basis of the September 17 agreement. All leaders must set aside their political aspirations and differences for the good of the Somali people and negotiate in good faith without preconditions and with a willingness to compromise.
We also call on Somalia’s security forces and all armed groups to stand down and allow political dialogue to resume in an atmosphere free from violence and intimidation. Continuing conflict will only serve to worsen conditions for the people of Somalia.
Waxaa muuqata sii kala fogaanshiyaha siyaasiyiintii mudaba halka doon wadasaarnaa, oo kala ah madaxwayne Farmaajo, RW Rooble iyo sadexda maamul goboleed ee Hirshabelle, Galmudug iyo Koonfur galbeed.
Sida ay ii sheegeen ilo xog ogaal ah, warsaxaafadeedyadii ka soo kala baxay xaafiisyada Galmudug, Hirshabelle iyo Ra’iisalwasaaraha ayaa waxaa ay baajiyeen go’aan ay qaateen madaxwayne Farmaajo iyo lataliyayaashiisa, kaasi oo ahaa in weerar lagu soo afjarayo xiisadda Muqdisho ay dawladdu ku qaado kooxaha mucaaradka ee ka soo horjeeda muddo kororsiga.
Shirkii caawa u socday RW Rooble, Labada maamul goboleed ee Galmudug iyo Hirshabelle iyo midawga musharixiinta ayaa diiradda lagu saaray laba qodob oo kala ah arrinta amniga Muqdisho iyo sidii loo aadi lahaa doorasho loo dhan yahay.
RW Rooble oo taageero ka helaya beesha Caalamka, maamul goboleedyada iyo midawga musharixiinta ayaa la filayaa in uu ku baaqo shir ay isugu yimaadaan maamul goboleedyada iyo qaybaha bulshada, kaas oo la filayo in uu ka dhaco muqdisho.
Beesha Caalmka oo la sheegay in ay la hadashay Gudoomiyaha Baarlamaanka mursal ayaa kula talisay in aanu qaadin talaabo ka hor imaanayso doorashada 17 September.
When the late Somali President Abdirashid Ali Sharma’arke was assassinated in 1969 during a presidential visit to the town of Las Anod, Sool Region, in Northern Somalia, his body was brought back to the Capital Mogadishu for burial in a state funeral ceremony. Residents of Wardhigley Quarter of Mogadishu (Banadir Region), where the National Cemetery was located had resisted allowing a final resting place for President Sharma’arke’s body, simply for tribal reasons. He was the wrong body.
When the Military Government of Siyad Barre had collapsed in 1991, and the brutal dictator was chased out of Mogadishu by mob led by the United National Congress (USC), the Hawiye prominent figures of Barre Regime were spared and embraced by the invading Hawiye rebels and looters. Regime’s well-known figures and personalities like Vice President Hussein Kulmiye and Jilicow, the notorious National Security Services Chief, were treated and accepted as members of USC. Non-Hawiye residents of Mogadishu of mostly Darood origin were either killed or fled to safety to other parts of the country and to all corners of the world.
When Hawiye politicians rose against the late of President of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, Abdullahi Yusuf, in 2008, members of his government, including Prime Nur Adde and deputy Prime Minister Ahmed Abdisalam, among others, continued to enjoy Hawiye support.
This tribal politics of Mogadishu residents, Hawiye politicians, intellectuals and elders is one of the main factors for the existence of a defacto federalism, following the Civil War.
Now, while Hawiye opposition politicians are fighting Farmajo Government, his Prime Minister, Mohamed Hussein Rooble, is getting full endorsement and support from them. That doesn’t mean that Farmajo should be left alone. He deserves to be stopped before he does irreversible damages to peace, stability of Somalia and modest and hard-earned gains of the people of Somalia during the course of three decades. This requires collective public approach instead of Hawiye tribal confrontations with Farmajo.
The question is now, is this about regime change along tribal lines or change of government policies, and as a matter of principle, bring about a better Government? How can you have faith in Mogadishu politics? Is there any hope left for Hawiye leaders to develop a national vision? Have your say.
Despite putting out brave face with his usual fake populist messages, talking indirectly to what he perceives as his political opponents in Puntland and Jubaland, and in contradiction to his claim of addressing the nation, here are the main takeaways from his speech, which was embedded in solemn sadness, showing deep personal stress and anger:
Return to the talks with Federal Member States on the electoral impasse on the basis of September 17 Agreement, 2020.
Reference to the House of the people, whose mandate had expired in December 2020 (he still didn’t get it or decided to keep violating the constitution).
Recognition of the statements issued by his allied Federal Member States of Galmudugh, Hirshabelle and Southwest, and Acting Federal Prime Minister Roble – surprising new political developments that acted as the straw that broke the camel’s back.
Acceptance of the inevitable reality demanding holding elections in Somalia
Avoidance to recognize the tremendous domestic political pressure and diplomatic isolation from world community, realities he had tried to hide from the same people he was claiming to address and inform. It was foolproof for all to see.
To paraphrase it, in a nutshell, Farmajo has accepted political defeat last night, while he was trying not to say it.
Having said that, it is hard to predict what Farmajo and his co- conspirators would do next. We wait to see it. It looks, though, that they have reached a point of no return.
PS: opposition leaders are disappointed that Farmajo didn’t go far enough to come clean from the political mess he had created.
There are only two options available to Farmajo tonight:
To resign immediately
To accept political defeat and put everything on the table for Somali stakeholders to decide his fate.
But, the damage is done to his political fortune. He has nobody to blame for this turn of events – it is self-inflicted and fatal to his political future. So much for a tin-pot dictator-to-be.
Now, the hard work of stabilizing Somali political theatre is just beginning. There is an urgent need to hold credible elections, do some damage control in restoring trust and faith of the international community in Somali state and institution-building, and finish the work of completing the incomplete Federal Constitution.
Restoring and rebuilding trust between Federal Institutions and Federal Member States constitute the cornerstone of the federal system. Establishing non-clan based national army and security services is essential to have faith in the Federal Government of Somalia. Respect for the rule of law and constitution should be treated as a vetting tool for any officer or official of the federal public institutions. There must be lessons learned from the governance mistakes and abuses of power and breach of public trust. The re-appearance of a “New Farmajo” in Somalia’s political scene must be prevented by law and regulations. Officials aspiring to hold a position of public trust must be vetted thoroughly.
Federal Member States of Galmudugh and Hirshabelle denounce Farmajo’s recent mandate extension (April 12, 2021) – called for return to talks on the basis of 17 September 2020 Agreement. This is a significant shift of position. Things are happening in fast pace in Mogadishu. Stay tuned.
Mogadishu, 27 April 2021 – International partners* strongly condemn the outbreak of violence in Mogadishu on 25 April.
We have repeatedly warned that the extension of mandates would lead to a political crisis and undermine peace, stability and security in Somalia. In the wake of the violence on 25 April, we urge all sides to exercise maximum restraint, resume dialogue, and avoid unilateral actions that may lead to a further escalation.
We are alarmed especially by the emerging fragmentation of the Somali National Army (SNA) along clan lines, which detracts from its primary task of combating Al Shabab and protecting the Somali population. Use of security forces for pursuit of political objectives is unacceptable.
We reiterate that the 17 September agreement remains the only agreed model for elections and we urge the signatories of this agreement to return immediately to talks on that basis.
We welcome the decision of the African Union Peace and Security Council to appoint a Special Envoy and urge that this high-level representative arrives in Mogadishu and to begin work as soon as possible. We stand ready as partners to extend our support to this Envoy, and meanwhile we continue efforts to bring the parties together.
We reaffirm our respect for Somali sovereignty, unity, territorial integrity, and independence.
African Union, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Djibouti, Egypt, European Union (EU), Finland, France, Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), Ireland, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sudan, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, United States, United Nations.
These include former Speaker of the House of the People of the Federal Parliament, Mursal, whose mandate had expired in December 2020, and his deputies, Mahad and Mudey. These are co-conspirators and enablers of Farmajo’s coup of the Federal Government in April 12, 2021. They are complicit in high crimes against the state, peace and stability of Somalia.
The former House Speaker and his deputies should be marked and barred from holding any future public office. Moreover, a list should be drawn up to include all facilitators and enablers among high profile national figures, who had committed crimes against Somali State and people of Somalia.
The culture of impunity for crimes committed against the people, their interests, peace and wellbeing must stop immediately.
It is disappointing that opposition leaders aren’t deliberating on issues of national interest and abuses in public offices. One may wonder whether they are merely interested in replacing Farmajo and would embark upon committing same abuses of power.
WDM, the first site to check out on Somali political issues and more. https://ismailwarsame.blog Don’t miss any article. Keep abreast with the latest critical analysis behind the news. Subscribe to the blog, support it, donate and follow.
In a last desperate attempt to continue squattering in Villa Somalia, Farmajo is reportedly bringing in more troops to Mogadishu. Units of militia associated with the so-called Somali National Army, SNA, are being flown in from Gedo, while those, who were sent earlier to Eritrea and Ethiopia for military training, are being rushed in. It will be seen how effective fighting forces they could be in an urban warfare in unfamiliar terrain in Mogadishu. The new additional forces, however, will give Farmajo more room to negotiate with mainly Hawiye opposition leaders from a position of strength. With that, he will also pose a challenge to the members of the international community stationed in Halane Campound in Mogadishu.
It is amazing to note here the fact that most Somali politicians, or the so-called political stakeholders, aren’t calling it for what it is: A coup d’etat of the Federal Institutions took place in April 12, 2021. Yes, they talk about the end of Farmajo’s four-year mandate and his illegal extension, but that isn’t the full picture of what had happened. Farmajo had overthrown the Federal Government of Somalia as he did with the Federal Member States of Galmudugh, Hirshabelle and Southwest to pave the way for this coup. It would be rather naive to expect him to give up what he has taken away by force and through illegalities, until he is compelled to do so.
On one side, confronting Farmajo’s forces, though not for same objectives and reasons, are:
Al-Shabab
Hawiye clan militia led by the opposition
Militia of anti-government businesses and interest groups.
Stray militia for robbery and looting
On the other side, Farmajo’s Forces are:
Military, police, secret services, recruited and hailing from Hawiye, Marehan and Digil&Mirifle clans.
Barring de-escalation of armed confrontations in Mogadishu, Farmajo is extremely vulnerable, based on increasing likelihood that many of current FGS forces will desert him along their sub-clan lines. So much for the Farmajo’s Somali National Army, SNA.
Last night Farmajo had realized that his main military forces, Gorgor and Haramcad, couldn’t be trusted, as the opposition used clan cards in their respective areas to fragment the forces along sub-clan lines. Then, last night Farmajo have been calling people like Abdi Qaybdid and others to reduce tension. But, the oppostion demanded Farmajo to withdraw his forces, which he did. So what is the solution now? Farmajo has to accept election process to proceed with assurance by third part (1). Security forces will be influenced by the opposition to remain calm till Farmajo promise is seen rolling in (2). If above two go well, all the rest of militias wouldn’t have chance to destroy the state (3).
Hawiye are now understood to be avoiding destruction of Mogadushu. But, if Farmajo refuses to compromise, then Hawiye are ready to fight on, even if the city could be destroyed. That is their position now.
Once Farmajo’s forces are defeated, it would be back to square one between Islamists and warlords in the same manner as now defunct Union of Islamic Courts and Warlords were then.
The presence of international community in Halane Campound in Mogadishu Airport could be reduced radically, and AMISOM mission in Somalia would change, and if the worst scenario plays out, could be pulled off altogether. Western embassies would relocate, reducing some heads of missions to the status of “Special Envoys” to Somalia.
There wouldn’t be any talk on holding elections as Federal institutions could begin to unravel. We could look back at FGS as an experiment that went badly.
Forces of proxy would intensify their operations in a war zone and power vacuum left by Farmajo Regime.
Conflagration and escalation of armed hostilities between Farmajo and opposition forces are happening now in different quarters of Mogadishu. Tension is building up and precarious security situation in the Capital is of deepest concern now to all Somalis. Eyewitness reports indicate fluid and dangerous conflagration of armed clashes with the use of heavy military weapons and hardware. Somali politicians may be negotiating for military ceasefire soon instead of talking about elections. This is a developing story. Stay tuned.
The crimes of the Somali Civil War, crimes against humanity and mass -cleansing of Darood residents of Mogadishu by USC leaders and forces had put the accounting for the past civil and human rights abuses of the Regime of Dictator Siyad Barre off the hook to escape justice – a historical mistake that would never face a day of reckoning in a court of law. The massive crimes of USC leaders had changed Somalia’s sense of justice fundamentally for good, creating a culture of total impunity for all sorts of crimes against the state, the individual, public and private properties.
These historical abuses of Hawiye leaders under the banner of rebels of United Somali Congress (USC) had given relevance and political cover to the criminals and henchmen of “Kacaanka” Siyad Barre. It is an irony of history that yesterday’s violators of civic and human rights of the Military Regime came forward multiple times to get elected to the highest office in the land. Now, you can’t separate Farmajo from that “Regime”. I am not suggesting that he had committed such crimes as he was too young to hold a position of responsibility then, nevertheless, he was a diplomat working for and with the regime. That alone disqualifies him for seeking the presidency and/or the post of prime minister of Somalia.
Because of what USC had done post-Barre, every yesterday’s Barre henchman now argues that Barre and his brutal regime were far better off and more patriotic than Aydid’s and Ali Mahdi’s. How would you handle such argument?
Fast-forward now to the problem of Farmajo, his disregard to the rule of law, his most recent coup d’etat, the humiliation he causes to former presidents of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, among other prominent members of the civil society in Mogadishu and beyond. Do you have the moral high ground yourselves, when you aren’t ready yet to condemn USC historical abuses? How do you plan to serve justice for the victims of Farmajo, if you were guilty of worst abuses?
Finally, when you had allowed and elected to the Federal Parliament a whole bunch of vicious warlords of USC Civil War, like Abdi qaybdid, Sudi Yalaxow, Qanyare Afrah, among others, you had proved to the Somali people that you weren’t ready to turn a new page in helping rebuild Somalia on the ashes of state failure.
Dembiyadii Dagaalkii Sokeeye ee Soomaaliya, dambiyadii ka dhanka ahaa bini’aadanimada, ka-sifayntii Muqdisha dadka Daarood ah ee ku noolaa ee ay geysteen hoggaamiyeyaashii iyo xoogaggii USC, waxay keeneen xisaabcelin la’aanta dambiyadii hore ee shacabka iyo xuquuqul insaanka ee Taliskii kaligii-taliyihii Siyaad Barre, si ay uga cararaan cadaaladda – waa qalad taariikhi ah oo aan waligiis wajihi doonin maalin xisaab maxkamadeed. Dembiyadii waaweynaa ee hogaamiyayaashii USC waxay badaleen dareenka Soomaaliya ee cadaalada asal ahaan, wanaaga, abuurista dhaqan gabi ahaanba ciqaab la’aan dhamaan noocyada danbiyada ka dhanka ah dowlada, shakhsiga, hantida guud iyo tan gaarka ah.
Xadgudubyadaan taariikhiga ah ee hoggaamiyeyaasha Hawiye ee hoosta calanka jabhadii United Somali Congress (USC) waxay siisay muhimad iyo dabool siyaasadeed dambiilayaashii iyo raggii gacan ku dhiiglayaasha ahaa ee “Kacaanka” Siyaad Barre. Waa wax lagu qoslo taariikhda in kuwii shalay ku xadgudbay xuquuqda madaniga iyo xuquuqul insaanka ee Nidaamkii Milatariga ay soo baxeen dhowr jeer si loogu doorto xafiiska ugu sareeya dalka. Hadda, ma kala saari kartid Farmaajo “Nidaamkaas”. Uma soo jeedinayo inuu galay dambiyo noocaas ah maaddaama uu aad u yaraa oo uusan qaban karin xil masuuliyadeed markaa, si kastaba ha noqotee, wuxuu ahaa diblomaasi u shaqeynayay lana shaqeynayay nidaamka. Taas oo kaliya ayaa u qalmin inuu raadsado madaxweynenimo iyo / ama jagada ra’iisul wasaaraha Soomaaliya.
Sababtoo ah wixii USC ay sameysay kadib-Barre, maalin walba baryahan adeeggayaashii Barre ayaa ku doodaya in Barre iyo taliskiisii naxariista darnaa ay aad USC wanaagsanaayeen, kana wadanisan yihiin Ceydiid iyo Cali Mahdi. Sideed u maareyn laheyd dooda noocaa ah?
Si dhakhso leh hadda ugu soo soco dhibaatada taagan ee Farmaajo, tixgalin la’aantiisa sharciga, inqilaabkiisii ugu dambeeyay, ceebeynta uu ku hayo madaxweynayaashii hore ee Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud iyo Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed, iyo xubno kale oo caan ah ee bulshada rayidka ah ee Muqdisho iyo wixii ka baxsan. Ma leedihiin laftiina damiir sarre, markii aydaan weli diyaar u ahayn inaad cambaaraysaan xadgudubyada taariikhiga ah ee USC Sideed u qorsheyneysaa inaad cadaalad ugu adeegto dhibbanayaasha Farmaajo, haddii aad dambiile ugu tahay xadgudubyada ugu xun?
Ugu dambeyntiina, markii aad u oggolaatay oo aad u dooratay Baarlamaanka Federaalka koox aad u tiro badan oo ka mid ah hoggaamiye kooxeedyadii foosha xumaa ee Dagaalkii Sokeeye ee USC, sida Cabdi qaybdiid, Suudi Yalaxow, Qanyare Afrax, iyo kuwo kale, waxaad ummada Soomaaliyeed u caddeysay inaadan diyaar u ahayn bog cusub ka fura gacan ka geysashada dib-u-dhiska Soomaaliya ee burburay dowladnimadii
So, what is happening politically in Somalia, after an outrage condemning Farmajo’s unconstitutional extension of his mandate for two more years?
Despite mixed signals from some political circles in the country, Somalis predominantly rejected this illegal power grab and coup d’etat by Farmajo.
The world community too has rejected Farmajo’s disregard for the rule of law in Somalia.
AU has condemned the extension of Farmajo’s mandate and is set to designate a mediator tasked to bring Somali parties together in building a consensus towards holding the delayed elections.
The rest of the world has put their support and trust behind the AU position on the matter and mediation efforts.
In the meantime, the disgraced outgoing Farmajo is holding up in Villa Somalia, with none in the world community recognizing him as a legitimate Somali leader – even President Ismail Omar Ghuelleh of Djibouti avoids inviting Farmajo to the inauguration.
They say that it is always calm before the storm. They also say that if you don’t understand what could happen in the future, then you don’t understand what is happening at present. There is no doubt that Somalia is in deep trouble, and the political situation is as an unpredictable as it is dangerous. The storm will come to pass amid unprecedented constitutional crisis the country had ever faced, thanks to Farmajo.
Warsame Policy & Media Network (WAPMEN) 
You must be logged in to post a comment.