However, another learned colleague has further legal opinion on this:
Ciise Dhoolawaa: “My learned friend has failed to mention that 53 (2), which says “The Court must, before doing so, satisfy itself, not only that [it] has jurisdiction, in accordance with Article 36 and 37, but also that the claim is well founded in fact and law.”
Now, the Court has already stated that it had jurisdiction over the case on Febraury 2, 2017.
The second element of the article 53 (2) is that Somalia’s claim under article 53(2) must be “well founded in FACT and LAW.” That is if Somalia is going after Article 53 (2)”
The reading world is delighted to have https://ismailwarsame.blog as an open and unbiased media outlet that covers Somali and regional issues without fear or favor with objective critical analysis. The Blog Stats were lately sky-rocketing. Comments are positive as well as critical. We are pleased to hear from you and very much welcome your inputs and advice.
We encourage you to take advantage of the promotional annual subscription of US 37 dollars. Soon, all articles and entries of critical nature will be scrambled, allowing access to subscribers only.
UK is here to stay with the European Union until acceptable legal separation is obtained. This follows another humiliating defeat for Prime Minister Boris Johnson in the house of Lords today.
In an opposing view, a colleague has a different legal take. “As reckless as the statement [Minister Awad’s] might seem, I think it is prudent and smart way to show that you respect the ICJ Court. The statement does not say otherwise, but that the Somali Government welcomes the two month postponement. In addition, Somalia will have a say, if Kenya later requests further unnecessary and uncalled extention, which I think Kenya will do it [again].
Basically, Kenya wants to exhaust all options before the Court proceedings restart. In my opinion, the two months Kenya received is not enough time to mobilize expert team that could prepare, familiarise and handle the case. There are thousands of documents to read and understand before the team goes in front of the Court in order to argue and defend the [Kenya’s] case. It is a huge case. I think this extension is not the last one. Kenya will seek more time.
Imagine if Kenya comes back and says that it is unable to get an expert team that is willing to take case. That does not mean that Kenya is not abusing the system and wasting the Court’s time and resources, because they are. What Somalia needs to think is “what next”. Kenya will do everything that is possible to undermine the process”
Ciise Dhoolawaa contributed to this article and provided the legal expertise on the issue.
CAIRO — Days after Sudanese soldiers massacred pro-democracy demonstrators in Khartoum in June, an obscure digital marketing company in Cairo began deploying keyboard warriors to a second front: a covert operation to praise Sudan’s military on social media.
The Egyptian company, run by a former military officer and self-described expert on “internet warfare,” paid new recruits $180 a month to write pro-military messages using fake accounts on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and Telegram. Instructors provided hashtags and talking points.
Since the ouster of President Omar Hassan al-Bashir in April, new employees were told, protesters had sown chaos in Sudan. Their demands for democracy were premature and dangerous. Order had to be restored.
“We’re at war,” an instructor told the new employees. “Security is weak. The army has to rule for now.”
Covert influence campaigns have become a favored tool of leaders in countries like China and Russia, where manipulation of social media complements strongarm tactics on the streets. In the Middle East, though, those campaigns are being coordinated across borders in an effort to bolster authoritarian rule and douse the kind of popular protests that gave rise to the Arab Spring in 2011.
The secretive Egyptian effort to support Sudan’s military on social media this summer by the company in Cairo, New Waves, was just one part of a much bigger operation that spanned the Middle East and targeted people in at least nine Middle Eastern and North African countries, according to Facebook.
Sudanese soldiers during a mass protest in Khartoum in June.CreditEbrahim Hamid/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
The campaign was exposed on Aug. 1 when Facebook announced that it had shut down hundreds of accounts run by New Waves and an Emirati company with a near-identical name. Working in concert, the two companies used money, deception and fake accounts to leverage their audience of almost 14 million Facebook followers, as well as thousands more on Instagram.
In an interview, a Facebook spokesman said the company had not found sufficient evidence to link the operation to the governments of Egypt or the United Arab Emirates. But there were many hints of such a link.
The New Waves owner, Amr Hussein, retired from the Egyptian military in 2001 and described himself on his Facebook page as a “researcher on internet wars.” He is a vocal supporter of Egypt’s authoritarian leader, President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and has publicly campaigned in support of Mr. el-Sisi’s draconian crackdown on internet freedoms.
His company operates from a military-owned housing project in eastern Cairo where employees are warned not to speak to outsiders about their work.
Its messages are a mirror image of the foreign policy objectives of Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia — a powerful axis that has wielded immense influence across the Middle East since 2011, bolstering authoritarian allies or intervening in regional wars.
The internal workings of New Waves were described by four people with knowledge of the company who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter with the Egyptian authorities.
Facebook said the Egyptian and Emirati companies worked together to manage 361 compromised accounts and pages with a reach of 13.7 million people.CreditStephen Lam/Reuters
Responding to Facebook’s accusations, Mr. Hussein, the owner of New Waves, called the company “liars” and denied any links to the Emirates. “I don’t know what you are talk about,” he wrote in a text message, calling Facebook “not fair.” He declined to comment further.
Two former New Waves employees did not respond to requests for comment.
Sudanese activists who noted a surge in pro-military social media activity over the summer said they were unsurprised to learn of the campaign.
“There have been so many fake accounts,” said Mohamed Suliman, a Boston-based engineer allied with Sudan’s protest movement. “Fake news is a real source of danger for Sudan. If there is ever a counterrevolution, one of the regime’s main tools will be social media.”
Facebook said the Egyptian and Emirati companies worked together to manage 361 compromised accounts and pages with a reach of 13.7 million people. They spent $167,000 on advertising and used false identities to disguise their role in the operation.
Their posts gave a boost to the Libyan warlord Khalifa Hifter, who counts Egypt and the United Arab Emirates among his staunchest allies, praised the United Arab Emirates and slammed the wealthy Persian Gulf state of Qatar, a sworn enemy of the Saudis, Egyptians and Emiratis.
Other messages talked up the Saudi-led war in Yemen and promoted independence for Somaliland — a key objective of the Emirates as it jockeys for influence and lucrative contracts in the Horn of Africa.
A Saudi-led airstrike in Dhamar, Yemen, on Sunday. Some Facebook messages talked up the Saudi-led war in Yemen and promoted independence for Somaliland.CreditAgence France-Presse — Getty Images
The website of the Emirati company, Newave, which shut down after Facebook named it on Aug. 1, listed its business address as a government-owned media complex in Abu Dhabi.
A customer service agent at the complex, Twofour54, said Newave had a registered capacity of 10 employees and named its general manager as Mohamed Hamdan al-Zaabi. Emails and phone calls to the company went unanswered.
In Cairo, recruits to the New Waves operation targeting Sudan were told their job was to create “balance” between the military and protesters on social media.
“We’re doing something very big, very important here,” one trainer said. “In the past wars were conducted with weapons. Now it’s through social media.”
Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates were the main supporters of the Sudanese generals who seized power in April. The Saudis and Emiratis offered $3 billion in aid while Egypt provided diplomatic support.
Sudan’s vibrant social media space, though, has been harder to control.
Since the first protests against Mr. al-Bashir in December, protest leaders have used the internet to mobilize demonstrations, to circumvent official censorship and to attract support from global celebrities like the pop star Rihanna.ImageGen. Mohamed Hamdan and his notorious Rapid Support Forces paramilitary unit posted pictures on Facebook of him cooking and calling for higher wages for teachers, to soften his image.CreditAshraf Shazly/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Within hours of the massacre of civilians in Khartoum on June 3, the military’s first act was to shut down the internet in Sudan. Then it turned to social media to try and soften its harsh image.
Accounts run by Lt. Gen Mohamed Hamdan and his notorious Rapid Support Forces paramilitary unit showed him cooking meals and addressing rallies, highlighting his demands for higher teachers’ wages. Sudanese activists petitioned Facebookto shut down those accounts, accusing the company of giving a free platform to a potential war criminal.
Facebook declined to act because the Rapid Support Forces had become a “state actor,” a Facebook press officer said. General Hamdan is now a leading figure in the power-sharing government, which began taking shape this week with the formation of a new cabinet.
ADVERTISEMENT
In April, however, Facebook investigators started to scrutinize New Waves as part of the tech giant’s global drive to shut down what it calls “coordinated inauthentic behavior” on its platform.
Sudanese democracy advocates had also noticed something awry: a stream of pro-military posts on Twitter written under false names, often using photographs of prominent activists or musicians. They identified the tweets as fake, they said, through Arabic language tics that suggested they had been written by non-Sudanese.
For example, tweets rendered the word “Sudan” in the feminine, while Sudanese write it in the masculine.ImageA screen grab of the facebook page of Rapid Support Forces paramilitary unit in Sudan. A Facebook press officer said the company did not intend to take down the Rapid Support Forces pages because the group had become a “state actor.”Creditfacebook
The New Waves operation had echoes of the Egyptian state’s approach to controlling online debate. Under Mr. el-Sisi, Egypt has blocked over 500 websites and introduced laws that criminalize criticism of the government on social media, which Mr. el-Sisi has described as a threat to national security.
Online critics are frequently jailed in Egypt. On July 7, a dual American-Egyptian citizen, Reem Mohamed Desouky, was arrested on arrival at Cairo airport with her 13-year-old son. Officials confiscated Ms. Desouky’s phone, scrolled through her Facebook posts and charged her with using social media to undermine Egypt.
She is being held at Qanatir prison outside Cairo; her son has returned to the United States.
Between 2015 and 2017, Mr. Hussein, the owner of New Waves, wrote a column for al-Bawaba, a pro-military newspaper. Last fall he fronted a public awareness campaign warning Egyptians of the dangers of social media.
“From 2011 onward it’s been a war of social media,” Mr. Hussein said in an interview with a pro-state television channel in which he cited the Nazi dictum “the bigger the lie, the more people will believe it.”
Executives at New Waves and its Emirati sister company went to considerable lengths to hide their role in the Middle East influence campaign, Facebook said. They obtained fake accounts to administer Facebook pages that purported to be news sites about nine countries, including Sudan, Somalia, Kuwait and Libya.
The pages often featured genuine posts about real news or light entertainment items like cartoons, interspersed with fake items that followed a common theme.
The Sudan Alyoum (Sudan Today) Facebook page linked to a news website of the same name that published 17 articles between this May and August accusing the Muslim Brotherhood of conspiring to overthrow Sudan’s Transitional Military Council, and 60 other articles supporting General Hamdan’s leadership.
Facebook shared its findings with Twitter, which has taken down the New Waves account. Twitter declined to comment except to say it had removed several accounts related to Sudan.
In an interview in July, Mr. Hussein claimed New Waves had just one client, a state-run theater production called Opera Bent Araby. He is vocal about social media, he said, because Middle Eastern society is “special.”
“I talk about the dangers not only in Egypt — in all our world,” he said.
Last Friday, Mr. Hussein declined to speak further. “I have nothing for you,” he wrote in a text. “Please forget me.”
“Recognition of Puntland Secondary School Certificate:
• The Puntland secondary school certificate shail be in form and format equivalent
to the one issued by the Ministry of Education of the Federal Government
• The said certificate shail clearly show the Somali National emblem and the name
of the Federal Government of Somalia. Likewise. it shall have the name of
Puntland State and that of the Ministry of Education and Higher Education of
Puntland.
• The Federal Government of Somalia recognizes the certificate of Puntland cited
in this agreement as per above.
• The FGS shail officially write to the Government of Sudan and any other parties
of interest. clarifying that the FGS recognizes the centralized examinations
administered by Puntland” – excerpts from 2014 Agreement between the FGS and Puntland.
MOGADISHU, Somalia, 04 September, 2019 – Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS) strongly condemns the orders of blockage of two leading news websites in Somaliland and Puntland and calls both authorities to refrain from harassing independent journalists.
On Tuesday 03 September, 2019, Hargeisa-based Marodi Jeh Regional Court ordered the blockage of independent news website Hadhwanaag.ca following a request from the police asking the internet service providers to block the news site. The court document reviewed by Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS) mentions articles and series of interviews published by Hadhwanaag News, which allege misuse of public money by the Governor of the Central Bank of Somaliland, Ali Ibrahim Jama (also known as Baghdadi) as the reason of the order of the blockage.
Further, the management of Hawdhwanaag News was also summoned to the Office of Somaliland’s Attorney General for questioning, according to Ahmed Nasir Farah, the website’s Editor-in-Chief.
Separately, in Puntland State, the Minister of Information, Ali Hassan Ahmed (also known as Sabarey) on Tuesday ordered internet companies to block the independent news website Puntlandtimes.com. The order was made during a press conference in Garowe by Minister Sabarey following a news report which the Puntland Times allegedly reported civil servants’ protest at the Puntland Ministry of Information on 26 and 27 August, 2019 over unpaid salaries and Minister Sabarey’s name was mentioned.
Puntland Times Editor, Farah Abdukadir Geylan told Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS) that two days before the order of the blockage, he received a phone call from the Minister of Information Ali Sabarey who threatened with arrest.
“It is very worrying that authorities in Somaliland and Puntland are blocking news websites deemed critical to them and threatening journalists. Such orders are acts of censorship and infringement on the freedom of the press and denial of the public’s right of access to information,” Abdalle Ahmed Mumin, Secretary General of the Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS) said.
Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS) reminds authorities that it is the rights of the journalists to report about issues of public interest, including to investigating wrongdoings of government officials without fear or reprisal.
“We call the telecommunication companies to turn down the orders to block the two news websites of Hadhwanaag News and Puntland Times,” Abdalle Ahmed Mumin, Secretary General of the Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS) adds.
Yes, GAROWE Mayor could have done a much better job, if only there were not some influencial residents in his way, and these are not the owners of herds of annoying and wandering City goats and collectors of loose cats in town, but politicians, merchants, security forces and influence peddling folks in Garowe. They are putting road-blocks on the mayor’s way to badly needed reforms in the City against the backdrop of clannish mentality on jobs, land/property and culture.
Until those socio-economic impediments are removed, there is little any Garowe Mayor could do before his term in office is up again to go through the traditional two-sided sub-clan rotation with no consideration for the civic rights of other residents in town, a capital city modeling after Mogadishu.
Puntland students now begin to understand that it wasn’t Godax Barre alone denying them of deserved and rightful scholarships, but the entire N&N regime led by Farmaajo and Khayre, resolving to isolate Puntland students.
While doing this, Farmaajo wants your vote in 2020 ill-planned General Election. Wise up!
A few of young folks are commenting this article while they are totally misinformed about the issue. There were not centralized national exams in entire South-central Somalia before. They tried this year to organize one amid leaks, outright sale of exams to the highest bidder in the marketplace, on the top of theft.
Puntland have been conducting common exams for many years. Now N&N Regime want Puntland students to take part in these sham exams, and punish them for not participating in this public disgrace, thus denying them of their rightful share of national scholarships. Get the facts straight first before you comment on this particular issue.
This is also a reminder that, under the Federal Constitution, social services delivery like Education Sector, comes under the jurisdiction of the Federal Member States. The FGS has no business to interfere, but to help the FMS in this regard.
WERE YOU AWARE OF THIS?
“Recognition of Puntland Secondary School Certificate:
• The Puntland secondary school certificate shail be in form and format equivalent
to the one issued by the Ministry of Education of the Federal Government
• The said certificate shail clearly show the Somali National emblem and the name
of the Federal Government of Somalia. Likewise. it shall have the name of
Puntland State and that of the Ministry of Education and Higher Education of
Puntland.
• The Federal Government of Somalia recognizes the certificate of Puntland cited
in this agreement as per above.
• The FGS shail officially write to the Government of Sudan and any other parties
of interest. clarifying that the FGS recognizes the centralized examinations
administered by Puntland” – excerpts from 2014 Agreement between the FGS and Puntland.
Ismail Warsame responded: While this guy have some arguments to make, he shows his shallow knowledge of how federalism came to be in Somalia. Just ask him whether Federalism is defacto or dejure? If it is defacto caused by the Civil War, then nothing short of another war can destroy it. That scenario, barring political destabilization, is unlikely. Having said that, the complaint against vices of unitary government and regional underdevelopment because of it, precedes even the Civil War.
All Farmaajo is doing will come to a nought because it is not based on today’s reality of Somalia. Yes, he had done harm, but in the end he will fail.
Mogadishu, Somalia — As Somalia struggles to stabilize after decades of civil war, foreign powers are quietly waging a shadowy campaign to dismantle its fragile federal system. At the heart of this scheme lie Turkey and Qatar, two nations leveraging financial clout, ideological extremism, and historical paranoia to impose a centralized authority beholden to their interests—with President Mohamed Abdullahi “Farmaajo” serving as their chief proxy.
Turkey’s Obsession with Centralization: A Legacy of Fear Turkey’s vehement opposition to federalism is rooted in its own existential anxieties. The collapse of the Ottoman Empire—a trauma etched into the nation’s psyche—and modern fears of Kurdish separatism have cemented Ankara’s obsession with centralized control. “Turkey views any form of decentralization as a prelude to fragmentation,” explains Dr. Leyla Ahmed, a regional analyst. “Its support for a unitary government in Somalia isn’t about stability—it’s about replicating its own authoritarian model abroad.” This paranoia extends to Somalia’s Federal Member States (FMS), which Turkey perceives as obstacles to its economic ambitions. By propping up Mogadishu’s central government, Ankara ensures preferential access to Somalia’s ports, resources, and military contracts. Critics argue that Turkish “investments,” like the $50 million embassy compound and training of Somali forces, are less about aid and more about entrenching influence.
Qatar’s Toxic Alliance: Arab Nationalism and Extremist Ideals Qatar’s role is equally insidious. Doha’s blend of pan-Arab nationalism and patronage of Islamist groups has bred a hostility toward federalism, framed as both treasonous and blasphemous by its extremist allies. The Gulf state’s funding of Muslim Brotherhood-linked factions in Somalia aligns with its broader strategy to undermine pluralism, replacing it with a homogenized, Qatar-friendly governance. “Federalism empowers regional identities—something Qatar’s ideological partners see as a threat to their vision of a monolithic Islamic state,” says Omar Hassan, a researcher at the Sahan Institute. This alignment has turned Qatar into a bankroller of destabilization, funneling “unaccountable cold cash” to silence dissent and coopt political actors.
Farmaajo’s Puppet Regime: The Turkish-Qatari Nexus President Farmaajo’s administration has become a conduit for this anti-federalist agenda. His government’s aggressive efforts to sideline FMS leaders—cutting off revenue streams, withholding aid, and deploying intelligence operatives—mirror the playbook of his foreign backers. Key to this strategy are two figures: Fahad Yasin, head of Somalia’s National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), and Afyare Elmi, a Qatar-based academic. Yasin’s controversial policy paper, Puntland: Preferential Treatment in the Union or Secession, openly advocates for dismantling federalism, urging Mogadishu to strong-arm Puntland into submission. Elmi, meanwhile, provides intellectual heft to Qatar’s agenda, framing decentralization as a “Western plot” incompatible with Somali unity.
Puntland Under Siege: The Last Federal Bulwark Puntland, Somalia’s oldest and most stable FMS, now faces unprecedented pressure. Reports suggest Turkish and Qatari operatives have infiltrated political circles, stoking internal divisions to weaken its autonomy. “Puntland is in the crosshairs,” warns Puntland Senator Fatima Jibril. “Their goal is to collapse our institutions so Mogadishu—and Ankara—can seize control.” Some analysts urge Puntland to temporarily disengage from Mogadishu until the power struggle subsides. Others propose a more radical solution: transitioning to a confederal system, granting regions greater sovereignty to resist external manipulation.
A Call to Action: Sovereignty at Stake The Turkish-Qatari meddling represents not just a threat to Somali federalism, but to the nation’s very sovereignty. “This isn’t about helping Somalia—it’s about recolonizing it under a puppet regime,” asserts former diplomat Abdiwali Mohamed. As Mogadishu escalates its war on federalism, the international community remains conspicuously silent. For Somalia’s regions, the choice is stark: succumb to foreign-dominated centralization or fight for a decentralized future. The survival of Somali democracy may hinge on the answer.
Warsame Digital Media is an independent outlet covering Horn of Africa politics. Follow us for in-depth investigations at @ismailwarsame/www.ismailwarsame.blog
The notion that Villa Somalia operates better under Hawiye leadership is not only misleading and misinforming, but it is also as false as it is dangerous. It didn’t work well under the warlords of Ali Mahdi and General Aydiid. It worked far worse under Abdulqaasim Salad Hassan. It didn’t fare better under Sheikh Sharif Ahmed and Hassan Sheikh Mohamud presidency.
Villa Somalia came back to live only under the Late President of Transitional Federal Government (TFG). Don’t misrepresent the facts and history.
The complicated problems of revenge killings among Hawiye, settling scores, predatory business practices, the culture of physical elemination of business and political competitors among them in Mogadishu and crimes against human rights and humanity by the perpetrators of Civil War, had created a karma situation that neither Mogadishu nor Mogadishu politician would ever rise up again successfully. Wishful thinking is delusional and waste of precious time.
Read this article to understand more about this issue:
“Oct. 02, 2012
By Ismail H. Warsame
The Presidency of the Republic does not give the expected trappings of power, the magic of the highest leadership position in the land or the glory of the Office amid distrust and absence of loyalty within the population and regions of the country. That institutional empowerment must be earned nation-wide in the hard way, and in the case of Somalia, require hard work over many years to come for the future generations of Somalia to enjoy it. If successful, the new leaders can only pave the way for restoring that missing public trust. To accept any Somali President, Prime Minister or the Speaker of the House as a leader of all the people is a long shot, given the depth of distrust developed within the communities for the past 30 odd years towards government officials, or rather any institutions of governance unfortunately. In Somalia’s today the Presidency or any position of leadership is unenviable role for a decent person to play for it requires heavy personal sacrifices few are willing to commit to.
The very idea of bottom-up approach in rebuilding Somalia is primarily based on the restoration of that missing trust before the country has central institutions. Quite a number of Somali intellectual circles and many politicians inside and outside the country, particularly in Mogadishu, do not still appreciate how important the “Building-Blocks’ concept is, as we coined the term more than a decade ago in Puntland State of Somalia, as the shortest way to heal the deep wounds caused by the civil war and abuses of the Military Government, in addition to nepotism and rigging of elections by previous civilian governments. Creation of Federal Institutions starting with the TFG Charter and current Provisional Constitution is a hard fought negotiated outcome towards rebuilding that public trust. Anybody who believes that we can have a highly centralized system of government again in Mogadishu or elsewhere in the country is either of out of touch with reality in today’s Somalia or must have his/her sanity re-examined as this dream cannot be realized in the present political conditions of Somalia. The sooner we all embrace whatever type of federalism we accept as result of a negotiated settlement, the better off we are to re-construct our country. I may add, under the current political atmosphere, having a Federal President and Prime Minister hailing from South-Central Somalia is a recipe for failure and does not meet the necessary power-sharing legitimacy to move the country forward. If proven true (I hope not), the rumors flying around these days in Mogadishu and beyond on the selection of a Prime Minister do not give me sense of optimism for Somalia to be on the mend.
Practical intellectual thinking and bold political leadership are required to brainstorm on why Somaliland and Puntland were created in the first place. While the First went to the extreme of outright unilateral declaration of seccession, the Second did not lose hope that Somalia can be rebuilt from the ashes of the Civil War and the deficit of public trust. For the benefit of those who were not closely following major political developments in the country during the past 15 years or so, or limited/exposed to only superficial sideline debates on Somalia, Puntland State spent considerable resources including brain power to see Somalia re-instituted. This is a major political capital investment that cannot be written off without paying a heavy national price. A simple political instinct is lacking among the intellectuals and politicians in Southern Somalia, i.e. they could not figure out that if Mogadishu is to remain the Capital City and enhance its status as attractive to the residents of Northwest and Northeast Somalia among other parts of the country, it should be subject to power-sharing. Someone cannot be expected to have both ways or as they say, “have their cake and eat it”, given what happened in that City during the vicious Civil War. Mogadishu leaders instead, for the sake of national unity, would have been smart enough to encourage others get elected to the presidency. That did not happen unfortunately despite the great expectation from the new President to deliver, and a lot of people are worried about the direction and the future of the country.
While it is not so popular to be an early pessimistic person, they say, a pessimist is a well informed optimist. Nevertheless, I have strong conviction that the best days of Somalia are still to come”
Now that the recent Djibouti Agreement between Galmudugh President Ahmed Du’ale Haaf and his Dusamareb political partner, Sunna -wal-Jamaacah led by Premier Sheikh Shakir has been revoked, all previous political arrangements between the two factions are in tatters and irreconcilable.
That is because Sheikh Shakir Group has just switched their allegiance to the leaders of the Federal Government at expense of Haaf, betraying the warlord when he needed them most against Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khayre.
Haaf had temporarily found himself in no man’s land as he had escaped from Dusamareb on the eve of Khayre’s arrival in town, and he couldn’t enter Caado without negotiating his way through with his other rival faction leaders of the broken Galmudugh Parliament in Caado. He finally got allowed to enter Caado with the understanding that he had lost politically. That realization brought him to his sense and had accepted the inevitable that election is the only way out for all competing parties.
But, the dust has not settled down yet in Galmudugh conundrum as election campaigns got started, and as usual, those who have deeper pockets and financial backing of Villa Somalia have bigger chance to win.
Galmudugh has additional legitimacy complications of not fulfilling the Federal Constitutional requirements to qualify for regional state status, failing short of having territory of at least two regions.
Dadweynaha Soomaaliyeed waa lagala taliyey arrimaha ka jira ama ka dhacaya dalka. Hadda iyo hadhowba ma eedayn karaan odayaal iyo aqoonyahannaba. Ma oran karaan saa mamoodeen.
Khataraha jira iyo faragelinta shisheeyeba xoog ayaa looga faalooday. Burburka ku socda heshiisyadii dastuuriga ahaa ee qaran waa looga digay. Umad kala qaybsan in ayen qaran xoogan dhisan karin waa loo sheegay
Nidaamka federaalku in uu yahay awoodda keli ah ee Soomaaliya haatan isku haya waa lagu wacyigeli. Weerarka ku socda nidaamka awood-baahinta dalka in uu isugu biya-shubanayo kala dir Soomaliya waa lagala dardaarmay
Hadda iyo hadhow yaan la is-eersan oo lays-haaraamin hadii aan si wadajir ah wax loo wadaqabsan, dhiilooyinka jira iyo kuwa soo socdana wadajir looga hortagin.
Akhri, oo ka bogo degelka sida toos ah, hagarla’aan iyo hufnaan ku caanbaxay: Warsame Digital Media WDM https://ismailwarsame.blog
September 7, 2019
Warsame Policy & Media Network (WAPMEN) 
You must be logged in to post a comment.