Tag: #Somalia #FGS #FMS

Talo Soo Jeedin

July 12, 2023,

Mudanayaal iyo Marwooyin,  

Waxaan idnku salaamayaa salaanta islaamka – As Salaamu Caleykum Waraxmatullahi Wa barakaatuhu.

Madaxweynaha Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya,          

Mudane Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud iyo madaxdii hore ee qaranka iyo siyaanyiinta kale ee madashaan ku sugan.

Ujeeddo:  Talo soo jeedin ku aaddan go’aannada Golaha Wadatahsiga Qaran (GWQ) ay soo jeediyeen in wax laga beddelo hannaanka siyaaasadda dalka.   

Mudane Madaxweyne, waxaan kaaga mahad-celinaynaa soo dhowaynta iyo fursadda aad inoo siisay in aan talo ku biirinno go’aandii ka soo baxay  Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran (GWQ) ee lagu qabtay magaalada Muqdisho bisha May 27keeda, sannadka 2023.  

Waxaa ka muuqday go’aanada in aan la tixgelin muhiimadda dastuurku leeyahay iyo qaab sharciyeedka wax looga beddeli karo qodobada dastuurka oo ah in guddi heer qaran ah soo dhammays-tiro dastuurka qabyo-qoraalka ah lagana dodo wax ka beddelkiisa si looga heshiiyo.  

Waxaan aaminsannahay in GWQ uusan sharci u haysan wax ka bedelidda dastuurka. Waxaanna welwel ka qabnaa in qaab aan dastuuri ahayn` arrimahaas lagu furdaamiyo ayna dib u dhac u keento geeddisocodka dowladnimada Soomaaliyeed.  

Waxaa is xasuusin mudan in dowlad-goboleedka Puntland oo muhiim ka ah geedisocodka dib-u-dhiska dalka aan laga tixgelin arrimahaan masiiriga ah si loo ilaaliyo midnimada iyo wadajirka dalka.  

Marka waxaan hadda mid mid u dul istaagayaa qodobada dastuuriga ah ee la soo jeediyey in isbeddel lagu sameeyo:

Qodobka 1aad:  

Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran wuxuu soo jeediyay in dalku aado dooorasho qof iyo cod ah. Qodobkani waa mid Soomaali oo dhan ay wada sugaysay oo dalka u horseedaya in bulshada Soomaaliyeed ay dib u soo ceshato awooddeeda dastuuriga ah oo ay si xornimo leh ku soo doortaan madaxdooda heer qaran, hoggaankooda heer dowlad-goboleed iyo heer goleyaal deegaanba.

Talo #1. Qodobkaan waa soo dhowaynaynaa mabda’iyan maxaa yeelay qodobkani wuxuu ka mid yahay waxyaabaha ay hiigsadaan ummadda Soomaaliyeed in muddo ahna ku taamayeen. Hase ahaatee waxaa muhiim ah in laga heshiiyo arrimaha hoos ku xusan oo  gogol-xaarka u noqon kara in dalka doorasho qof iyo cod ah si xasilooni ahna ku dhacda, dadkuna ay raalli ka yihiin laga hirgeliyo.  

  1. Sugidda amniga dalka oo dhan iyo goobaha ay doorashadu ka dhacayso si aan cadwga uga faa’ideeysan.  
  2. Sharciga doorashooyinka oo u baahan in la diyaariyo ka hor inta aan doorashada dhicin si looga baaraan-dego khilaafaadka imaan kara xilliga doorashada iyo xallintooda.
  3. In la dhameeystiro sharciga qofka muwaadinka

(citizentship law) lagana heshiiyo qabyotirkiisa.

  1. In la dhammaystiro sharciga axsaabta (xisbiyada badan) si waafaqsan dastuurka dalka.
  2. In laga heshiiyo cidda wax dooran karta oo xaq u leh in ay soo xaadirto maalinta iyo goobta doorashada sida:  
    1. Shacabka Soomaliyeed ee gobollada waqooyi.
    1. Dadka barakacayaasha ku ah dalka gudahiisa iyo \ kuwa qaxootiga ku ah dalka dibaddiisa.
    1. Soomaalida dalka dibaddiisa ku nool.
    1. Soomaalida deggan xuduudaha dalka oo laba dal ka wada tirsan, iwm.

Nidaamka Doorashada

Barnaamijka doorashada laba qodob oo muhiim ah ayaan talo ka soo jeedineenaa:

  1. Guddiga doorashada heer qaran ma iskuma meteli karo doorashada heer qaran iyo midda dowlad-goboleedyada. Marka waa in dowladgoboleed walba yeelataa guddi doorasho oo u gaar ah si loo adkeeyo doorashada Dowlad-goboleedyada.
  2. Siyaadda dalka waxay ku dhisan tahay dheelitir beeleed oo ah 4.5, loomana boodi karo durba nidaam kale oo bulshadu aysan raali ka noqoneyn
    1. Doorashada meteladda isu-dheelitan (Proportianal representation) ee liiska xiran (closed list) iyo hal deeegaan doorasho waa in la waafajiyaa qaabka kuraasta beelaha ay maanta u qeybsadaan oo aan laga gudbin qeybhaas iyadoo aan shacabku ku heshiin ama aan la qaadin tirokoob dadweyne. Waxaan ogsoon nahay in jufooyinka beelaha Soomaaliyeed aysan maanta diyaar u ahayn in ay waayaan xubnaha oo ay hadda ay ku leeyihiin labada aqal ee barlamanka.
    1. Walow in laga gudbo 4.5 ay muhiim tahay, haddana waa in shacabka iyo oday dhaqameedyada Soomaaliyeed laga dhaadhiciyaa meesha loo socdo oo ay iyagoo raali ah la aado. Dhismaha dowladnimo waqti dheer buu qaataa, oo lama dedejin karo iyadoo aan ahayn wadar oggol.  
    1. Doorashada liistada xiran ma xaqiijin karto metelaad beeleed ama mid deegaan.
    1. Metelaadda murashaxiinta golaha shacabka waa in ay ku dsaleeysan yihii dad iyo deegaan.  

Qodobka 2aad:  

Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran wuxuu soo jeediyey in dalka ka guuro nidaamka Baarlamaaniga ah oo uu aado nidaam madaxweyne (Presidential System).

Waxaa xusid mudan in Soomaaliya ay ka soo kabaneeyso dagaalo sokeeye iyo dowlad-xumo baahsan oo lga dhaxlay 30kii sano ee la soo dhaafay. Dowladnimada maanta aan haysanno waxay ku timid dadaal dheeri ah iyo kulamo siyaasadeed oo dalka dibaddiisa lagu qabtay oo keenay in la galo heshiis buslhadeed maadaama bulshadu kala irdhowday muddadii dagaalada sokeeye iyo in ay dadku dib isugu soo laabtaan oo dowlad wada sameeystaan iyagoo aan weli kala shaki bixin. Waxay isla garteen in dowlad federaali ah la dhiso oo ku salaysan nidaamka Barlamaaniga ah iyagoo ka fogaanaya in nidaamkii madaxweynenimo ee dalka burburka u horseeday uusan dib u soo laaban. Waxay isla garteen annagana nala quman in nidaamka Baarlamaaniga uu yahay:

  1. Nidaam dowladeed oo dheellitiran oo leh hay’ado is kabaya.
  2. Wuxuu leeyahay awood qaybsi Soomaalidu heshiis ku tahay.
  3. Wuxuu fudueeyaa isla-xisaabtan xukuumadda iyo Baarlamaanka.
  4. Wuxuu leeyahay waajibaadyo iyo masuuliyado qeexan oo kala baxsan haddii si dhab ah loo raaco dastuurka.  

Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran wuxuu soo jeediyay in dalku qaato nidaam Madaxweyne iyo Madaxweyne ku-Xigeen. Sharciyan qodobkaaas wuxuu si toos ah uga hor imaanayaa Dastuurka dalka ee ku meel gaarka ah la ansixiyay bisha August 1deeda, 2012. Gaar ahaan:  

  1. Qodobada: 58, 59, 60, 69, 71, 74 & 77 ee Cutubka 6aad: Barlamaanka Federaalka JS.
  2. Qodobada; 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95 & 96. ee Cutubka 7aad:

Madaxweeynaha JFS,

  • Qodobada; 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103 & 104. ee Cutubka 8aad: laanta Fulinta,

Mudanayaal iyo marwwoyin

Talo #2: Ma qabno xaaladda uu dalku maanta ku jiro in nidaamka baarlamaaniga ah ee hadda noo shaqeeya la beddelo laguna beddelo nidaam madaxweyne qodobada hoos ku qoran awgood:

  1. In nidaamka baarlamaaniga ah la bedelo wuxuu u baahan yahay in dib loogu laabto heshiiska beelaha Soomaaliyeed oo ay dowladnimada dalku ku salaysan tahay.
    1. Isbeddel hadda la sameeyo wuxuu horseedayaa hoos u dhac ku yimaada awoodaha kala duwan ee hay’adaha dowliga iyo wada shaqeyntooda, awooduhuna isugu tagaan hal qof.
    1. Khilaafaadka Soomaalida dhexdeeda ka jira oo sii bata iyo in xasilooni darro ka dhalato meelo badan oo dalka ka mid ah.

Mudanayaal iyo Marwwoyin

Waxaan soo jeedinaynaa in aan nidaamka Baarlamaaniga ah ee aan haysano aan si dhab ah oo sharciga waafaqsan ugu dhaqanno oo aan helnaa Madxweyne iyo Ra’iisulwasaare tayo leh oo awoodahooda kala qeybsan yihiin, mid walbana loo daayo mas’uuliyadda dastuuriga ah ee loo igmaday.

Qodobka 3aad

Wax kabeddelka Nidaamka Xisbiyada   

Dastuurku wuxuu qorayaa in dalku yeesho axsaab badan oo ay ka soo dhex baxaan axsaab kooban marka dalku doorashada galo kadib, axsaabtaas  oo leh taageero baahsan oo dalka oo dhan ah oo ay markaa u tartamaan hoggaanka hay’adaha sare ee dalka.

Mudanyaal iyo Marwooyin  

Talo #3: Ma qabno soo jeedintii GWQ ee ahayd in xisbiyada dalka lagu soo koobo laba xisbi oo keli ah oo aan la garanayn qaabka iyaga laftooda lagu soo xulayo iyo in ay yeelan karaan metelaad dhab ah oo shacabka Soomaaliyeed ay raali ka noqon karaan.  Labada xisbi ee GWQ ku baaqeen wuxuu ka hor imaanayaa:  

  1. Qaab dhismeedka siyaasadeed ee Soomaalidu heshiiska ku tahay.
  2. Labada xisbi waxay u muuqan karaan kuwa dhan u janjeera oo shacabku u arkaan in aan labada xisbi Soomaali u dhamayn.
  3. Waxaa hadda ka diiwaan gashan dalka tiro ka badan 100 xisbi oo abaabulan. Waxaa kale oo jira deegaano badan oo dhistay axsaab siyaasadeed oo hadda ka badan 2 oo shacabkuna soo doorteen.

Waxaan ku talinaynaa in loo daayo sida dastuurka qabo nidaamka axsaabta badan laguna asteeyo sharciga doorashooyinka shuruudaha lagu noqon karo xisbi rasmi ah oo doorashada dalka ka qeybgeli kara.

Qodobka 4aad

Doorashooyinka iyo Muddada Xil-haynta Hay’adaha Qaranka

GWQ wuxuu ku baaqay qodobka 8aad, Faqradiisa (a) in doorashada dalka ee heer federaal iyo heer dowlad-goboleed ay noqoto doorasho qof iyo cod ah oo shantii sanaba hal mar ah.  

Muddadan waxay kasoo horjeedaa qodobada 60aad & 91aad ee Dastuurka dalka oo muddada Barlamaanka iyo Madaxweynaha ka dhigaya afar sano, sidoo kale qodobkaas muddo kordhinta wuxuu kasoo horjeedaa Qodobka 52/1 & 72/1 ee Dastuurka 1960kii, oo si cad u qeexaya in wax ka beddel muddo xileedka haddii la sameeyo aysan khuseeyn cidda xilka haysa markaas oo uu isbedelkaas bilaabanaayo mudda xileedka xiga.

Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran waxay ku dodayaan in la is waafajiyo mudada xilhaynta hay’adaha qaranka oo ay isla garteen in muddo sanad ah loo wada kordhiyo hay’adaha qaranka iyo dowlad-goboleedyada taasoo baalmarsan dastuurka dalka. Waxaa muhiim ah in dib loo fiiriyo qodobadaan:

  • Dastuurka dalka wuxuu qeexayaa muddo xileedyo ay hay’aduhu ku shaqeeynayaan oo aan dacwad hore uga imaan, mana muuqato sabab loo bedelo.   
  • Haddii isbeddel lagu sameeynaayo muddo-xilaydka hay’adaha dowladda waxaa muhiim noqon doonta in marka hore la dhameystiro dastuurka qabyada ah.

Talo #4. Ma qabno in muddo kordhin waqtigan lagu sameeyo hogaanka dowladda Federaalka iyo Dowlad-goboleedyada. Hadii laga baaqsan waayo, waa in loo maraa dariiq dastuuri ah marka dastuurka lasoo dhameystiro. kordhin lagu sameeyo muddo xileedka hay’adaha dalka waxay noola muuqataa in ay hirgeli karto oo keliya marka muddo xileedka dowlada soo jeedisay laga gudbo oo dowlad cusub la doorto. Dowlad muddo xileedkeeda ku guda jirta ma sameyn karto muddo kordhin iyada khuseeysa.

Qodobka 5aad  

Wax ka beddelka Dastuurka  

Dastuurka ku meel gaarka ah wuxuu qeexayaa nidaam loo maro in isbeddel lagu sameeyo qodobada dastuurka ku qeexan oo dhan. Sidaa darteed waxaa muhiim ah in hay’adaha dowladdu ay mar walba u hoggaansamaan dastuurka iyaga lagu soo doortay.

Gebo-gabo:

In kastoo golaha wadatahsiga qaran ay leeyihiin mudnaantooda, haddana waxaa nala quman in aan dastuurka la baalmarin oo loo daayo hay’adaha loo asteeyay si ay waajibaadkooda dastuuriga ah u gutaan.

Mahadsaniddiin  

Talosoojeedintan waxaa ku midaysan:  

1. Madaxweyne Shiikh Shariif Sh. Axmed

  • Guddoomiye Shariif Xassan Shiikh Aaden
  • R/W Cumar Cabdirashid Cali 
  • Sharmake 
  • R/W Cabdiweli Cali Gaas
  • R/W Xassan Cali Khayre
  • R/w xigeen Ridwan Hirsi
  • Wasiir Dr Cabdinuur Shiikh Maxamed
  • Xil Abdulqaadir Cosoble Cali
  • Dr.Cabdinasir Maxamed Cabdulle

WDM BREAKING NEWS

WDM EDITORIAL

Two days ago few men calling themselves the NCC gathered in a dark room in Mogadishu with the intention of hijacking the entire agenda of Somali Peace and National Reconciliation Process (SPNRP), wiping out shamelessly with the stroke of a pen any modest gains of the people of Somalia for the past three decades. Their targets for elimination were all federal framework, constitutional arrangements, institution-building and any modicum of transitional agreements to put out the fire of the civil war in order to reconstruct Somalia anew.

For this moment in time, Somali people are now suddenly realizing that this portion of NCC men were almost all either active participants in the civil war as militiamen and insurgents themselves, or they were assistants and students of militia and extremist commanders. Suddenly, this realization becomes surreal and unfathomable.

In trying to turn the clock back in Somalia to the old days of mayhem and state failure intentionally or unintentionally, these men have discarded all norms of this fledgling Federal Government and its Federal Member States. Ironically, these men want to bury their dirty deeds and disservice in a rubber-stamp parliament approval with corruption, cronyism and under-hand manipulations. Would it work for them this time once again? Stay tuned.

Postscript: If there is any silver lining in their ugly prouncements, it is the statement that Somalis must go to the election polls, an an impossible task to implement in most of the regions they claim to govern. This is the result of psychological and political impact that recent earth-shattering Puntland State Council Elections might have on them.

NEGATIVE NOISES SURROUNDING PUNTLAND COUNCIL ELECTIONS AND WISHES OF DOOMSDAY FOR THE STATE

WDM EDITORIAL

Unsettling noises about perils coming on the way of Puntland’s continued existence are not only misplaced, but they are also dangerous and unwarranted fear-mongering. From Somalia’s Head of State to a bunch of uninformed politicians on current Puntland internal situation, they are unleashing statements of ill-will for the residents of Puntland State. People and political associations here are in election campaign mood. They were busy registering themselves to participate in the re-envigorated democratization process – they don’t have time and space for sidetracks. They are ready to exercise their democratic rights as they grew tired of the old clan system that has been keeping the State politically stagnant for more than two decades.

Ironically, those former Puntland political leaders, who had abysmally failed to move democratic elections forward in their past stints are now making the biggest noises in opposing the long overdue transition to a better governance. Their negative attitudes toward holding, at least district council elections, are unfortunate, if not an outright disservice to the stability of the State.

In regard to President Mohamud’s recent misleading and ill-informed statement about perceived dangers confronting Puntland, one can only dismiss it as ill-wish, or rather sour grapes, for his administration has still a long way to catch up with the multifaceted progress Puntland State has been making over the years. Instead of commending the residents of Puntland State and their leadership for setting up the role model for the rest of Somalia, he has chosen words of despair and disillusion. Suffice to say that People of Somalia will move on with or without Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, no doubt about that.

FARMAJO & HSM: TWO DESTRUCTIVE APPROACHES TO SOMALIA’S FEDERALISM

Farmaajo wanted to destroy Federalism by puting puppet regional governors in FMS and conduct sham direct elections to install himself into a dictatorship once again in Somali politics. He didn’t learn from the Civil War. Hassan Sheikh Mohamud wants to use Somalia’s Federalism cleaverly as a weapon to disable it through the so-called “Madasha Qaranka” (National Consultative Forum) composed of the leaders of Federal Government, FMS and, paradoxically, the Governor of Banadir Region. Madasha is an unconstitutional entity whose relevance doesn’t go beyond consultations (it has no legal authority whatsoever in all Federal and State Constitutions). Recent Mogadishu Session of the “Madasha” in which HSM had attempted to weaponize the powers of the FMS against themselves to disable regional judiciary is still fresh in our minds. Only Puntland President, Said Abdullahi Deni, refused to succumb to HSM’s political shenanigans. Nothing will come out of HSM’s sinnister plans to undermine Federalism.

For your information, there is an existing Agreement between FGS and FMS signed in 2007 by the leaders of the Transitional Federal Government, and Puntland State of Somalia, on behalf of existing and future FMS. This was signed by the leaders of TFG, President Abdullahi Yusuf, Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Geedi, on behalf of the Federal Government, and President Mohamud Muse Hersi (Adde Muse) for Puntland.

This Agreement stipulated that the transfer of public institutions, state agencies and infrastructures that come under the jurisdictions of FGS in accordance with the Provisional Federal Constitution, shall wait until the FGS develops institutional capacities and legal framework, including completion of Federal Constitution.

These FMS institutions or agencies included paramilitary forces (Daraawiish), border entry points like airports and seaports, customs, among others. Workers of these agencies of FMS must be paid by the FGS, and until that happens, a FMS shall continue to pay the salaries of these state workers, on behalf of the FGS.

No transfer of tax revenues from a FMS to FGS shall occur until FGS shall assume full responsibilities for running these state agencies that may come under its jurisdictions based on fully agreed Federal Constitution.

This Agreement is valid today as it was in 2007, and the situation of the FGS remains exactly the same.

Until the requirements of this AGREEMENT are met, the Federal Government can’t demand for the transfer or acquisition of airports, seaports, customs from a FMS. Moreover, most FMS public institutions like education, Judiciary etc, are independent from the Federal Government, and unless special arrangements to be agreed upon are enacted, both Federal and state constitutions guarantee that separation of powers.