Resolving the political friction between the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and Puntland State requires addressing deep-seated grievances over power-sharing, resource allocation, and constitutional interpretation, while fostering trust and institutionalizing cooperative governance. Below is a structured approach informed by Somalia’s political dynamics, federalism challenges, and lessons from similar conflicts:
1. Address Core Grievances
- Constitutional Clarity:
- Finalize and ratify Somalia’s provisional constitution to clarify federal-state powers, including:
- Revenue Sharing: Establish transparent mechanisms for distributing resources (e.g., port revenues, fisheries, oil/gas).
- Security Arrangements: Define roles for federal and state forces in combating terrorism (e.g., Al-Shabab, ISIS) and managing local militias.
- Ensure Puntland’s concerns about overcentralization are addressed, balancing autonomy with national unity.
- Finalize and ratify Somalia’s provisional constitution to clarify federal-state powers, including:
- Resource Management:
- Create joint committees to oversee natural resource exploration and revenue-sharing agreements (e.g., Puntland’s oil blocks).
- Adopt models like Nigeria’s derivation principle, where states retain a percentage of locally generated resources.
2. Institutionalize Dialogue Mechanisms
- National Reconciliation Framework:
- Revive platforms like the National Consultative Council (NCC), ensuring Puntland’s equal participation alongside other federal member states.
- Involve traditional elders (Guurti), civil society, and religious leaders to mediate disputes and legitimize agreements.
- Third-Party Mediation:
- Engage neutral actors (e.g., IGAD, AU, or Qatar/Turkey as trusted partners) to broker talks and guarantee implementation of deals.
3. Build Trust Through Incremental Steps
- Confidence-Building Measures:
- Jointly manage critical infrastructure (e.g., Bosaso Port) to demonstrate shared benefits.
- Cooperate on security operations against Al-Shabab/ISIS in contested areas (e.g., Galgala mountains).
- Symbolic Gestures:
- Publicly acknowledge Puntland’s historical role in stabilizing Somalia and its contributions to counterterrorism.
- Avoid inflammatory rhetoric; instead, emphasize shared Somali identity in official communications.
4. Learn from Past Failures and Successes
- Avoid Past Mistakes:
- The 2016 Mogadishu Declaration failed due to lack of implementation. Future agreements must include timelines, monitoring mechanisms, and penalties for non-compliance.
- Emulate Positive Models:
- Borrow from Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism (though imperfect) to balance regional autonomy with federal oversight.
- Study the Puntland-Somaliland dialogue (e.g., 2014 Tukaraq ceasefire) for lessons on conflict de-escalation.
5. Strengthen Federalism Through Equity
- Equitable Representation:
- Ensure Puntland holds influential positions in federal institutions (e.g., Parliament, Cabinet, Supreme Court).
- Development Parity:
- Direct international aid (e.g., World Bank, EU) to Puntland’s infrastructure and services to reduce perceptions of marginalization.
6. Mitigate External Interference
- Regional Actors:
- Counteract divisive roles played by Gulf states (e.g., UAE vs. Qatar rivalries influencing Somali federalism).
- Donor Coordination:
- Unify international partners (UN, U.S., EU) behind a coherent strategy supporting Somali-led solutions, not competing agendas.
7. Prepare for Political Transitions
- Electoral Reforms:
- Ensure Puntland’s buy-in to Somalia’s electoral model (e.g., one-person-one-vote vs. clan-based systems) to prevent boycotts.
- Leadership Engagement:
- Foster personal rapport between FGS and Puntland leaders (e.g., President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Puntland’s Said Abdullahi Deni).
Challenges and Risks
- Spoilers: Hardliners in Mogadishu or Garowe may sabotage deals to retain power.
- Resource Curse: Oil/gas discoveries could exacerbate tensions if not managed transparently.
- Security Vacuum: Stalemates risk ceding territory to ISIS/Al-Shabab, as seen in Galmudug and Bari regions.
Conclusion
The FGS-Puntland rift reflects broader struggles to reconcile Somali nationalism with federal autonomy. A sustainable solution requires constitutional finality, equitable resource governance, and inclusive dialogue backed by enforceable agreements. International partners should support Somali-owned processes without imposing external models. While compromise will be difficult, incremental progress—such as joint security operations or revenue-sharing pilots—can rebuild trust and demonstrate the benefits of cooperation over confrontation. Ultimately, Somalia’s stability depends on balancing the aspirations of its federal states with the imperative of a united, functional central government.