Administrative Parallels Between Presidents Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Said Abdullahi Deni: Absence, Power Vacuums, Governance Challenges

Somalia’s political landscape has long been defined by instability, insurgency, and fragile governance. In recent years, the leadership styles of Presidents Hassan Sheikh Mohamud of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and Said Abdullahi Deni of Puntland State have drawn scrutiny for a striking administrative commonality: their frequent and prolonged overseas travels. Both leaders’ absences from their respective seats of power have raised concerns about governance vacuums, internal power struggles, and the exploitation of political instability by armed groups and rival factions. This article examines the shared challenges posed by their leadership approaches and the implications for Somalia’s security and democratic processes.


Frequent Overseas Travels and Extended Absences

Both presidents have spent significant portions of their terms abroad, often during critical junctures for their administrations.

  • President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (FGS): Since returning to office in 2022, Mohamud has embarked on numerous international trips, including diplomatic engagements in Turkey, the UAE, Egypt, and Western nations. Critics estimate he has spent nearly half of his current term overseas, focusing on securing foreign support for Somalia’s fight against Al-Shabab and debt relief. While these goals are vital, his absence has coincided with escalating clan conflicts, delays in military operations, and disputes over federalism.
  • President Said Abdullahi Deni (Puntland): Deni’s administration has been similarly marked by extended stays in the UAE, reportedly consuming one-third of his term. His absences have overlapped with pivotal moments, such as tensions over Puntland’s opposition to Somalia’s centralization efforts and disputes about local elections. His prolonged departures have left key decisions to deputies and advisors, weakening oversight and coordination.

In both cases, the leaders’ physical distance has created administrative paralysis, with bureaucracies struggling to function without clear directives.


Power Vacuums and Internal Struggles

Leadership vacuums in Mogadishu and Garowe have fueled infighting among political elites and security actors. In Somalia’s clan-based political system, a president’s presence is often essential to mediate disputes and assert authority.

  • Mogadishu’s Challenges: During Mohamud’s trips, reports suggest that competing factions within the FGS have clashed over control of security operations, resource allocation, and negotiations with federal member states. Al-Shabab has capitalized on this disarray, launching bold attacks in regions where military coordination has faltered.
  • Puntland’s Dysfunction: In Deni’s absence, groups like Aaran Jaan (a small corrupt power-brokers) and Ilma Diyaano (a mutiny within the security forces) have intensified efforts to undermine Puntland’s stability. For instance, clashes in Garowe and Bosaso during 2023 election campaigns were exacerbated by Deni’s inability to mediate disputes. As a former member of Puntland’s Technical Committee for Federal Negotiations (TCFN), I witnessed firsthand how Deni’s absence derailed critical discussions on the One-Person-One-Vote (1P1V) elections. Without his leadership, logistical and political hurdles went unresolved, leading to my resignation from the committee and the eventual collapse of the electoral roadmap.

Security Crisis Demands Hands-On Leadership

Somalia remains in a state of war. Al-Shabab and ISIS-Somalia continue to control swathes of territory, and their resilience hinges on exploiting governance gaps. Both presidents have been absent during moments of acute crisis:

  • Mohamud’s overseas trips have often coincided with Al-Shabab offensives, such as the 2023 attacks in Galmudug and Hirshabelle. Military officials have complained of delayed approvals for operations and resources during his absences.
  • Deni’s stays in the UAE left Puntland’s security apparatus vulnerable to infiltration by militants and clan militias.

The analogy to President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed (1998–2004) is instructive. As a former public servant under Yusuf, I recall how his frequent medical trips abroad created administrative chaos. Each month-long absence eroded his authority, emboldening rivals and paralyzing decision-making. Mohamud and Deni risk repeating this pattern.


Erosion of Public Trust

Citizens increasingly perceive their leaders as disengaged. In Puntland, Deni’s focus on international networking over local governance alienated constituencies who expected progress on 1P1V elections. Similarly, Mohamud’s globe-trotting contrasts starkly with the FGS’s inability to deliver basic services or protect civilians.

The resignation of technocrats (like myself) from committees and agencies reflects broader disillusionment. When leaders are physically absent, morale plummets, and corruption flourishes.


Conclusion: Leadership Requires Presence

Somalia’s complex crises demand leaders who prioritize hands-on governance over international engagements. While diplomacy is necessary, presidents can not afford to outsource administration to deputies. The experiences of Yusuf, Mohamud, and Deni illustrate a recurring truth: prolonged absences weaken institutions, empower spoilers, and deepen instability.

For Somalia to stabilize, its leaders must balance global advocacy with domestic accountability. If presidents continue to govern from afar, the voids they leave will be filled by those who exploit chaos—not those who build peace.


The author is a former member of Puntland’s Technical Committee for Federal Negotiations (TCFN) and a political analyst focused on governance and security in Somalia.
Published in WDM.

SOMALIA CHOICE: CONFEDERATION OR FRAGMENTATION

WDM EDITORIAL

The political landscape in Somalia is undeniably complex, especially given the historical context of state failure and the challenges posed by both internal and external actors. This analysis brings to light several critical points regarding the future of Somalia’s governance, particularly the dichotomy between confederation and fragmentation.

1. Centralized vs. Decentralized Governance: The failures of Somalia’s centralized government in the past—culminating in civil war, state collapse, and the rise of extremist groups—highlight the unsuitability of replicating the same model. Confederation could provide a framework for regional autonomy and self-governance, which might mitigate ethnic tensions and foster local governance accountability. This decentralized approach could empower local leaders and communities, thereby reducing the likelihood of violent conflict and promoting stability.

2. International Dynamics: As all pointed out, the support from the international community, especially for a centralized regime based in Mogadishu, appears tenuous at best. As geopolitical interests shift—especially among regional players like Turkey, the UAE, Ethiopia, and Egypt—Somalia’s leaders must be wary of the implications these external influences can have on national sovereignty The support from these nations may not be sustainable in the long term, and reliance on foreign backing can jeopardize the independence that Somalis strive to maintain.

3. Security Concerns: The potential for a power vacuum following the collapse of a centralized regime is troubling, as it could open the door for extremist groups to exploit the situation, reminiscent of the rise of the Union of Islamic Courts. Therefore, a robust strategy that involves both local and international stakeholders is crucial to prevent such a scenario and build a resilient state structure that can withstand external pressures and internal challenges.

4. Regional Cooperation: Encouraging a spirit of cooperation rather than rivalry among regional states could create an environment conducive to peace and development. Fostering dialogue and collaboration among Somalia’s neighbouring countries and addressing mutual concerns can significantly contribute to regional stability.

5. Sovereignty and Independence: Ultimately, the priority for Somali politicians should be to cultivate national unity and cohesion, focusing on long-term strategies that reinforce sovereignty and independence. This entails engaging with all community leaders, civil society, and marginalized groups to craft a governance model that addresses the diverse interests within the country.

In conclusion, Somalia stands at a critical juncture where its political leaders must navigate the complexities of governance with foresight and pragmatism. Embracing decentralization, prioritizing national interests, and actively engaging in regional dialogue will be pivotal in achieving a stable and sovereign Somalia. Only through such efforts can the country hope to avoid the pitfalls of the past and build a peaceful future for its citizens.

WDM EDITORIAL: Puntland’s Path to Security and Stability

President Said Abdullahi Deni’s recent admission of his administration’s failure to prevent ISIS from entrenching itself in the Calmiskaad mountains marks a rare moment of accountability in Somali politics. While critics may seize on this confession as a weapon, Warsame Digital Media commends President Deni’s candour. Transparency, however, must now translate into action. Puntland’s security crisis—compounded by ISIS’s expansion and Al-Shabab’s persistent threat—demands not just acknowledgement of past failures but an unwavering commitment to dismantling extremism through decisive leadership, and systemic reform.


A Rare Admission of Accountability

In a political landscape where leaders often deflect blame, President Deni’s acknowledgment of negligence is a watershed moment. His willingness to confront uncomfortable truths should be viewed as a strength, not a weakness. Opposition groups must resist the temptation to weaponize this admission for short-term gain. Instead, Puntland’s political class should unite to address the existential threat posed by ISIS, whose foothold in the Bari Region underscores the fragility of the state’s security apparatus. Accountability, after all, is the cornerstone of public trust. Deni’s candor offers an opportunity to rebuild that trust—but only if matched by tangible results.


The ISIS Threat in Context

The rise of ISIS in Puntland cannot be divorced from the broader instability plaguing Somalia. While Al-Shabab remains the dominant extremist force nationally, ISIS’s encroachment into Puntland reveals vulnerabilities unique to the region. The Calmiskaad mountains, with their rugged terrain and limited state presence, have long been a haven for illicit activities. However, the administration’s focus on quelling political violence in Bosaso and Garowe, coupled with the resource drain of Somalia’s contentious federal elections, left critical security gaps unaddressed. This underscores a recurring challenge: the tension between Puntland’s autonomy and its interdependence with Somalia’s fractured federal system.


Beyond Bullets: A Strategy for Sustainable Security

Military operations alone will not eradicate extremism. ISIS and Al-Shabab thrive on governance vacuums, economic despair, and communal grievances. To dismantle their networks, Puntland must pursue a dual strategy:

  1. Targeted Military Campaigns: Collaborate with federal and international partners to disrupt ISIS strongholds, leveraging intelligence-sharing and specialized forces.
  2. Root-Cause Solutions: Invest in community-driven development, job creation for disillusioned youth, and equitable resource distribution. Marginalized communities in areas like Bari are fertile ground for recruitment; empowering them undermines extremist narratives.
  3. Institutional Reform: Strengthen local governance, judiciary systems, and security forces to restore public confidence. Corruption and inefficiency within state structures have historically fueled resentment.

The Federal-Regional Tug-of-War

Puntland’s security challenges are exacerbated by Somalia’s fractured federalism. The federal government’s preoccupation with Mogadishu-centric politics—exemplified by the drawn-out presidential elections—has diverted attention and resources from regional crises. For Puntland to succeed, Mogadishu must prioritize equitable resource allocation and genuine collaboration, rather than treating federal member states as peripheral concerns. Conversely, Deni’s administration must avoid insularity; security in the Bari Region is not just Puntland’s problem but a national emergency.


Conclusion: From Words to Action

President Deni’s admission is a starting point, not an endpoint. The true test lies in his administration’s ability to translate accountability into outcomes. Puntland’s people deserve a future free from the shadow of extremism—one built on justice, opportunity, and resilient institutions. This will require bold leadership, bipartisan cooperation, and a rejection of the short-termism that has plagued Somali politics for decades.

The time for excuses is over. The time for action is now.

Warsame Digital Media urges all stakeholders—from Garowe to Mogadishu—to prioritize the collective security of Somalia over partisan interests. Only then can the Calmiskaad mountains and the nation itself be reclaimed from the grip of terror.

IS TURKEY AN EXISTENTIAL NATIONAL THREAT TO SOMALIA?

The perception of Turkey as an existential threat to Somalia’s survival as a united sovereign state stems from complex regional rivalries and internal divisions exacerbated by foreign interference. Let us dive into these geopolitical issues:

1. Turkey’s Expanding Influence

  • Military Presence: Turkey operates its largest overseas military base in Mogadishu, trains Somali troops, and provides security support. While this strengthens the federal government, it risks creating dependency and centralizing power, alienating regional states.
  • Economic and Political Engagement: Turkey invests in infrastructure, education, and healthcare, fostering goodwill. However, critics argue such ties could lead to debt dependency or unequal agreements, potentially undermining sovereignty.

2. Regional Rivalries and Proxy Dynamics

  • Turkey-Qatar vs. UAE-Ethiopia:
    • Turkey and Qatar back the Somali federal government, aligning with President Mohamud’s administration.
    • UAE and Ethiopia support regional actors (e.g., Somaliland, Puntland) and oppose centralization, fueling federal-state tensions. UAE’s port deals in Somaliland (Berbera) and Ethiopia’s historical interventions exacerbate fragmentation risks.
  • Egypt’s Role: Egypt counters Ethiopian influence (e.g., Nile River disputes) by supporting Somalia, adding another layer to the regional power struggle.

3. Internal Divisions

  • Federal vs. Regional Tensions: Foreign backing deepens mistrust between Mogadishu and regional states. For example, Somaliland’s UAE ties and Puntland’s resistance to central authority challenge unity.
  • Proxy Conflicts: Competing foreign agendas risk turning Somalia into a battleground, destabilizing governance and empowering factions that prioritize external interests over national cohesion.

4. Existential Risks

  • Sovereignty Erosion: Overreliance on external actors weakens domestic institutions. For instance, Turkey’s military role may overshadow Somali-led security solutions.
  • Fragmentation: External support for secessionist movements (e.g., Somaliland) or autonomous regions threatens territorial integrity. The UAE-Ethiopia axis vs. Turkey-Qatar-Egypt rivalry could Balkanize Somalia.

Counterarguments and Nuances

  • Stability vs. Dependency: Turkish aid has provided critical infrastructure and counterterrorism support, which some Somalis welcome. The threat lies not in Turkey alone but in uncoordinated multipolar interference.
  • Somalia’s Agency: Somali leaders navigate these rivalries to secure resources, but internal corruption and governance failures also contribute to vulnerability.

Conclusion

Turkey’s role is part of a broader pattern where regional powers exploit Somalia’s fragility for strategic gains. The existential threat arises from the cumulative effect of competing foreign interests fragmenting national unity, undermining state-building, and perpetuating dependency. Somalia’s survival as a united state depends on balancing external engagements with inclusive governance and reducing elite reliance on foreign patrons.

Somalia 2024: Fractured States, Foreign Patrons, and the Looming Storm of Conflict

Somalia 2024: Fractured States, Foreign Patrons, and the Looming Storm of Conflict

Puntland’s Bold Gambit: Autonomy, ISIS, and the SSC-Khatumo Flashpoint
In a seismic shift, Puntland severed ties with Mogadishu in January 2023, declaring itself an “independent government” in protest against constitutional amendments centralizing power. President Said Abdullahi Deni, buoyed by UAE patronage and Ethiopian security cooperation, now positions Puntland as a kingmaker in Somali politics. His ambitions clash directly with SSC-Khatumo, a union of the Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn regions demanding self-rule. SSC-Khatumo’s quest for autonomy has turned the Sool region into a battleground, with Puntland and Somaliland forces clashing as recently as February 2024. Deni’s critics accuse him of prioritizing UAE-backed port projects (e.g., Bosaso) over resolving local grievances, risking a prolonged conflict that could draw in clans and foreign actors.

New Frontlines: Puntland’s War on ISIS and Territorial Control
Puntland is mobilizing for a major offensive against ISIS-Somalia factions entrenched in the Cal-Madow and Galgala mountains—a strategic corridor near contested Somaliland territories. ISIS, though smaller than Al-Shabaab, has exploited governance vacuums since 2015, using smuggling routes to fund attacks. Deni’s campaign, backed by UAE logistics and Ethiopian intelligence, aims to neutralize ISIS while asserting territorial claims. Success could bolster Puntland’s sovereignty narrative but risks inflaming tensions with Somaliland, which views Galgala as part of its Sanaag region. Meanwhile, SSC-Khatumo leaders warn that the offensive may displace clans and deepen marginalization, further destabilizing the north.

Somaliland’s Geopolitical Play: Ethiopia’s Port Deal and Internal Repression
Somaliland’s January 2024 MoU with Ethiopia—granting naval access in exchange for potential recognition—marked a geopolitical coup for President Muse Bihi. The deal, tacitly backed by the UAE (a key investor in Berbera port), has angered Mogadishu and Puntland. However, Bihi’s authoritarian crackdown on dissent in Sool and Aynabo, where SSC-Khatumo support runs deep, threatens to ignite broader unrest. Somaliland’s reliance on UAE funds and Ethiopian security ties risks alienating clans caught between Hargeisa’s repression and Puntland’s intervention.

Jubaland: The Tinderbox of Gedo
Jubaland President Ahmed Madoobe’s feud with Mogadishu over control of the Gedo region has reached a boiling point. The Federal Government insists on deploying Somali National Army (SNA) units to secure the area for elections and counter Al-Shabaab, but Madoobe, backed by Ethiopian troops and UAE-funded militias, frames this as federal overreach. A February 2024 standoff near Beled Hawo underscores the volatility. Analysts warn that open conflict in Gedo could cripple counterterrorism efforts, allowing Al-Shabaab to exploit clan divisions and smuggling routes.

Central Somalia Under Siege: Al-Shabaab’s Resurgence
While northern conflicts dominate headlines, central Somalia faces escalating threats:

  • Hirshabelle: Al-Shabaab’s late 2023 offensive in Hiraan region exposed federal weaknesses, with militants seizing villages and taxing supply routes to Ethiopia. Clan militias, nominally allied with the SNA, lack coordination, enabling the group to exploit Hawadle-Jajele sub-clan disputes.
  • Galmudug: Galmudugh is unraveling as Al-Shabaab exploits local grievances between fractious Ahlu Sunna Waljama’a militia and regional authorities. Galmudugh and Hirshabelle regional states exist merely on the federal government’s lifeline.

Foreign Patrons: UAE and Ethiopia’s Divide-and-Conquer Tactics

  • UAE: Abu Dhabi’s “ports-and-proxy” strategy invests in Berbera (Somaliland) and Bosaso (Puntland) to counter Turkish/Qatari influence. By backing Deni, Bihi, and Madoobe, the UAE ensures control over trade chokepoints.
  • Ethiopia: Landlocked Addis Ababa prioritizes port access (Berbera, Kismayo) and security, backing Somaliland and Jubaland despite undermining Mogadishu.

Mogadishu’s Impossible Calculus
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s government faces intersecting crises:

  • Election Chaos: Disputes over the 2024 suffrage model threaten a repeat of the 2020 clan-vetted indirect elections.
  • Foreign Meddling: UAE-Ethiopia alliances weaken federal authority, while Turkey and Egypt vie for influence via military aid.
  • Al-Shabaab’s Resilience: Despite U.S. support, federal forces struggle to project power beyond cities, leaving rural zones to militants and underpaid militias.

The Storm Ahead: Fragmentation or Confederation?
Somalia’s instability is no longer local. As regional leaders prioritize foreign patrons over unity, the nation risks morphing into a confederation of client states. The SSC-Khatumo revolt, Puntland-Somaliland clashes, and Jubaland’s defiance could spark a perfect storm of interstate warfare, electoral crises, and insurgent resurgence. For ordinary Somalis, already weary of decades of strife, 2024 may bring neither peace nor progress—only deeper entanglement in global power struggles.

Why This Matters: The Horn of Africa’s stability hinges on Somalia. With the Red Sea a theater of U.S.-China rivalries and Middle Eastern power plays, the world can ill afford another collapse. Whether Somali elites reconcile or remain pawns will determine the fate of millions—and the security of one of the world’s most strategic waterways.

Crafting Regional States in Somalia: A Blueprint for Federalism Amidst Complexity

Introduction
Somalia’s journey toward federalism has been fraught with challenges, yet it remains a critical framework for reconciling the nation’s diverse clan dynamics and historical grievances. Since the collapse of the central government in 1991, regions like Puntland (1998) and Somaliland (1991) have pioneered autonomous governance, while the 2012 provisional constitution formalized federalism. This article explores the process of establishing regional states, analyzes past successes and failures, and contextualizes the role of local and international actors in Somalia’s evolving political landscape.


Steps to Establishing a Regional State

  1. Constitutional Adherence and Common Interests
    The Somali Provisional Constitution (2012) mandates that federal member states comprise at least two regions sharing political, economic, and security interests (Article 49). Successful examples, such as Jubaland (2013), emerged from regions with cohesive identities and resource-sharing agreements. Conversely, disputes in Galmudug over clan representation highlight the necessity of pre-existing cohesion.
  2. Grassroots Mobilization
    Traditional elders and civil society play pivotal roles. The 1998 Puntland Charter was ratified through clan-led shir (consultative assemblies), ensuring legitimacy. Mobilization must prioritize inclusivity, avoiding marginalization of minority clans, as seen in the 2015 Hiraan resistance against state formation.
  3. Structured Consultative Process
    • Constitutional Drafting: Committees should reflect regional demographics. Southwest State (2014) involved legal experts and elders, ensuring cultural resonance.
    • Logistics and Security: Neutral venues (e.g., Baidoa for Southwest State) and robust security protocols prevent sabotage.
    • Delegate Allocation: Quota systems based on clan size, as used in Puntland, mitigate power imbalances.
  4. Constitutional Ratification and Elections
    A transparent congress, such as Somaliland’s 1996 Borama Conference, fosters trust. Post-ratification, independent electoral bodies—like UN-supported polls in Jubaland (2021)—enhance credibility. Direct elections (e.g., Puntland’s 2019 local polls) are ideal but require security often absent in Somalia.

Pitfalls to Avoid

  1. Premature Power-Sharing Negotiations
    The 2016 Galmudug collapse stemmed from elite disputes over positions before institutional frameworks were established. Prioritizing structure over personalities, as in Somaliland’s founding, is crucial.
  2. Clan-Based Exclusion
    The 2013 attempt to form a central Somalia state failed when the Dir clan was sidelined, sparking conflict. The Hirshabelle State (2016) succeeded by integrating Hiraan and Middle Shabelle clans through protracted dialogue.
  3. External Interference
    Federal government opposition delayed Southwest State’s formation until 2014. Conversely, Jubaland’s creation faced criticism over Kenyan influence, underscoring the need for balanced international engagement.

Case Studies

  • Puntland: Emerged from a clan consensus in 1998, blending traditional xeer (customary law) with modern institutions. Challenges persist in holding one person one vote elections.
  • Somaliland: Though unrecognized, its hybrid governance model (clan Guurti and elected parliament) offers lessons in stability.
  • Jubaland: Ethiopian and Kenyan involvement in its 2013 formation sparked tensions with Mogadishu, highlighting federal-regional diplomacy’s complexity.

International Community’s Role
While the UN and AU advocate federalism as a conflict mitigation tool, divergent foreign agendas complicate state-building. The EU’s support for dialogue in Hirshabelle contrasts with UAE-Turkey rivalries influencing the Somalia peace process. Local ownership remains paramount to avoid dependency.


Conclusion
Creating regional states in Somalia demands a delicate balance of constitutional fidelity, grassroots legitimacy, and inclusive processes. While federalism offers a path to unity, its success hinges on learning from past missteps and navigating clan-political dynamics. As Somalia approaches pivotal elections in the foreseeable future, the international community must prioritize Somali-led solutions over external blueprints. The road to federalism is neither linear nor easy, but with structured adherence to participatory principles, it remains Somalia’s most viable hope for lasting peace.


References

  • Somali Provisional Constitution (2012).
  • UN Somalia Reports (2021–2023).
  • Interviews with Somali political analysts (Names withheld for security).

Warsame Digital Media | Updated: October 2023 | Categories: Federalism, Governance, Horn of Africa

This revised article provides deeper context, contemporary examples, and critical analysis, positioning it as a comprehensive resource on Somali federalism.

The Unyielding Spirit of the Somali People: Resilience, Enterprise, and Sovereignty in the Face of Adversity

For over three decades, Somalia has been characterized in global discourse as a “failed state,” defined by political fragmentation, protracted conflict, and institutional collapse. Yet, beneath this reductive label lies a society of extraordinary resilience and ingenuity. The Somali people have not only survived decades of turmoil but have forged pathways of entrepreneurship, resisted extremism, and safeguarded their sovereignty through a blend of cultural fortitude, diasporic solidarity, and grassroots agency. This essay explores the unique characteristics that define the Somali people’s unwavering spirit, even as their fledgling federal government struggles to assert effective leadership.

Historical Context: Crisis and Continuity

Somalia’s descent into chaos began with the collapse of the Siad Barre regime in 1991, plunging the nation into civil war. Subsequent decades saw clan rivalries, foreign interventions, and the rise of extremist groups like Al-Shabaab ISIS. Natural disasters, including recurrent droughts and famines, compounded these challenges. Yet, amid this turbulence, Somali society did not disintegrate. Instead, it adapted, relying on deeply rooted social structures and cultural cohesion to navigate instability.

Resilience Rooted in Social Fabric

At the heart of Somalia’s endurance is its clan-based social system. While often criticized for fueling division, clans have also functioned as networks of survival, providing security, justice, and resource distribution in the absence of a central state. Communities have drawn on traditional mechanisms like xeer (customary law) to mediate disputes and maintain order. This decentralized resilience reflects a pragmatic approach to governance, where trust in kinship and local leadership often outweighs reliance on fragile institutions. Only federal governance is optimal for such a culture of traditional leadership.

Entrepreneurship in the Informal Economy

Somalia’s informal economy stands as a testament to its people’s ingenuity. Barred from formal banking, Somalis pioneered mobile money systems like Zaad, Sahal, EVCPLUS, revolutionizing financial access. The telecom sector, led by companies such as Hormuud, Golis, Telsom, emerged as one of Africa’s most competitive, connecting millions and fostering commerce. In bustling markets like Mogadishu’s Bakara, traders navigate risks ranging from extortion to bombings yet persist in sustaining cross-border trade and local livelihoods. This entrepreneurial spirit thrives not despite chaos but as a response to it—a defiance of despair through innovation.

Resistance to Extremism and Terrorism

Communities have consistently rejected extremist groups’ attempts to impose rigid ideologies. While Al-Shabaab controls pockets of territory, its influence is frequently checked by grassroots resistance. Local militias, often clan-aligned, collaborate with public institutions’ forces to reclaim territories and civil society groups counter radical narratives through education and art. Women, in particular, have played pivotal roles in advocating for peace, leveraging their societal influence to marginalize extremists. This resistance underscores a collective refusal to let violence define Somali identity.

The Diaspora: Lifelines and Bridges

The global Somali diaspora, estimated at over two million, has been instrumental in the nation’s survival. Remittances—exceeding $1.5 billion annually—form an economic lifeline, funding households, startups, and even infrastructure. Diasporans also bridge global expertise with local needs, investing in tech hubs, healthcare, and education. Their dual role as economic sustainers and cultural ambassadors reinforces Somalia’s global connections while nurturing its recovery.

Sovereignty and Defiance Against Intervention

Somalis fiercely guard their autonomy, resisting foreign domination even as external actors vie for influence. Public skepticism toward international peacekeeping missions and foreign-backed governments reflects a desire for self-determination. This defiance is not mere nationalism but a hard-earned wariness of external agendas. The phrase “Soomaali ma kala tagin” (Somalis never abandon each other) encapsulates this ethos of unity against external threats.

Conclusion: The Power of People Over State

Somalia’s story is one of a society persisting beyond the failures of its political class. While the federal government remains weak, the Somali people have demonstrated that resilience is not contingent on formal institutions. Their adaptability, entrepreneurial zeal, and commitment to cultural identity offer lessons in survival and hope. As Somalia rebuilds, the world must look beyond the “failed state” narrative to recognize the agency of a people whose unshakeable spirit continues to chart a path toward renewal.

In the words of Somali poet Gaarriye, “The nation is not land; the nation is people.” It is this indomitable people—rooted in community, innovation, and pride—who hold the key to Somalia’s future.

BREAKING: Corruption Allegations Engulf Somali Foreign Minister Over Mismanagement of Chinese-Funded Expatriate Centre

By Warsame Digital Media | March 6, 2025

Mogadishu, Somalia — A growing corruption scandal has implicated Somalia’s Foreign Minister Ahmed Moalim Faqi and the Somali ambassador to China, following revelations of financial discrepancies in a Chinese-funded project to construct an Expatriate Affairs Management Center in Mogadishu.

The controversy erupted after Minister Faqi publicly celebrated the laying of the centre’s foundation stone on February 28, hailing the initiative as a “milestone for diaspora engagement.”  According to a high-ranking former diplomat with direct knowledge of the negotiations, who spoke anonymously due to fears of reprisal, China donated one million USD for the center’s construction. Shockingly, the Foreign Ministry reportedly contracted a local firm to execute the project for just a fraction of the donated money of only $200,000, with sources claiming the remaining $800,000 was embezzled by Faqi and Somalia’s ambassador to Beijing.

Key Questions and Silence from Authorities

The Somali government has yet to address the allegations, despite mounting pressure from civil society and opposition lawmakers. Transparency advocates are demanding an independent audit, citing Somalia’s notorious history of graft. The country remains entrenched near the bottom of Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), ranking 180th out of 183 nations in the 2024 report. Weak oversight mechanisms and systemic mismanagement of public resources have long hindered development and eroded trust in state institutions.

“This case epitomizes why Somalia struggles to attract transparent foreign investment,” says an official of the Somali Anti-Corruption Forum. “Donors cannot trust funds will reach their intended purpose without third-party accountability.”

Geopolitical Implications

China’s involvement adds complexity to the scandal. Beijing has significantly expanded its infrastructure investments in Somalia in recent years, including ports and energy projects tied to its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). While the Chinese Embassy in Mogadishu has not commented, analysts warn the allegations could strain bilateral relations if evidence of misuse emerges.

“China prioritizes stability in its partnerships, but corruption scandals risk deterring future collaborations,” noted regional economists. “Somalia’s government must act swiftly to investigate—or risk losing critical foreign aid.”

Calls for Accountability

Opposition leaders and grassroots activists are urging President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to suspend Minister Faqi and Ambassador to China, pending a formal inquiry. “This isn’t just about stolen money; it’s about the moral decay undermining Somalia’s recovery,” said one lawmaker.

The scandal also reignites debates over Somalia’s reliance on foreign aid, which constitutes over 70% of its national budget. Critics argue that without robust anti-corruption frameworks, donor funds will continue to vanish into private pockets.

What’s Next?

As public outrage grows, international partners, including the UN and African Union, face pressure to condition future aid on stricter transparency measures. For now, all eyes are on Somalia’s judiciary and the Office of the Auditor General to pursue accountability—a test of whether the nation can transition from rhetoric to action in its fight against graft.

Updates to follow as this story develops.


Warsame Digital Media is committed to ethical reporting. All allegations have been rigorously cross-checked with multiple sources. We withhold certain details to protect whistleblowers’ identities.

WDM EDITORIAL

March 6, 2025

Puntland United in Resolve to Eradicate ISIS Threat

The people of Puntland State have demonstrated remarkable unity in their campaign to dismantle ISIS extremism, standing firmly behind their leaders to confront both foreign and local terrorist elements. This collective effort reflects a grassroots determination to eliminate the group’s foothold in the region, with political factions setting aside differences to present a united front against a common threat. Such solidarity underscores Puntland’s commitment to regional security and stability.

However, reports indicate that a small faction of individuals with ties to Puntland, currently based in Mogadishu, are actively working to undermine this critical anti-ISIS campaign. Their actions risk destabilizing Puntland’s internal cohesion and weakening a fight that impacts not only the state but the broader region. Such efforts are as short-sighted as they are unpatriotic, prioritizing narrow interests over the safety and aspirations of Puntland’s residents.

These individuals, whether acting in service of external agendas or personal gain, are aligning themselves against the will of Puntland’s people. History will judge such attempts to sabotage peace harshly. Now is the moment for these actors to abandon their divisive tactics and join the overwhelming majority in safeguarding Puntland’s future.

The fight against extremism demands unwavering unity. Puntland’s residents, leaders, and allies must remain vigilant against those who seek to fracture this resolve. Only through collective action can lasting security and stability be achieved.

Key ISIS Leaders from Cal-Miskaat Flee Amid Manhunt; Reports Suggest Some May Have Fled to Yemen

To address the urgent issue of ISIS operatives escaping by sea from Puntland to Yemen, a multifaceted strategy combining immediate action, international collaboration, and long-term planning is essential. These include:

1. Immediate Maritime Interdiction

  • International Naval Cooperation: Partner with naval forces in the region (e.g., EU NAVFOR Atalanta, Combined Maritime Forces) to establish patrols and blockades in the Gulf of Aden. Leverage existing counter-piracy frameworks like the Djibouti Code of Conduct.
  • Surveillance Enhancement: Deploy drones, satellite imagery, and coastal radar systems to monitor suspicious vessels, focusing on small boats/dhows. Share real-time data with partners.

2. Intelligence Sharing & Verification

  • Regional and Global Networks: Collaborate with INTERPOL, AFRICOM, and regional intelligence agencies (e.g., Yemen’s recognized government, UAE, Saudi Arabia) to verify and act on intelligence.
  • Cybersecurity Measures: Monitor ISIS communication channels online, working with tech firms and agencies to disrupt escape coordination.

3. Diplomatic Mobilization

  • UN Engagement: Seek a UN Security Council resolution for international mandates, sanctions, or asset freezes against ISIS affiliates.
  • Bilateral Agreements: Negotiate with nations like the US, UAE, and Turkey for logistical support (e.g., naval assets, training).

4. Legal Preparedness

  • Jurisdiction Clarity: Work with the UN and African Union to establish legal frameworks for arrests, ensuring adherence to international law.
  • Extradition Treaties: Secure agreements with Yemen and neighboring states for prosecuting captured operatives.

5. Community & Local Engagement

  • Coastal Community Involvement: Incentivize local fishermen to report suspicious activities via hotlines or rewards.
  • Counter-Radicalization: Launch deradicalization programs and public awareness campaigns to reduce local support for ISIS.

6. Capacity Building

  • Military Aid: Request international funding to upgrade Puntland’s naval capabilities (boats, communication tech) and train forces in counter-terrorism tactics.
  • Border Security: Strengthen land and sea checkpoints with biometric systems and regional coordination (e.g., Somaliland, Somalia’s federal government).

7. Long-Term Regional Stability

  • Root Cause Mitigation: Address governance gaps, economic deprivation, and unemployment through development aid and job creation.
  • Regional Partnerships: Foster intelligence-sharing agreements with IGAD and the African Union to prevent cross-border regrouping.

Challenges & Mitigation

  • Yemen’s Instability: Focus on engaging Yemeni coastal communities and factions willing to cooperate, avoiding entanglement in internal conflicts.
  • Resource Limitations: Prioritize targeted international appeals (e.g., via the UN Trust Fund for Counter-Terrorism).

Conclusion

Puntland’s success hinges on swift, coordinated action with global partners, balanced with sustainable measures to weaken ISIS’s resurgence capacity. By integrating maritime security, intelligence, diplomacy, and community resilience, Puntland can disrupt this threat while fostering regional stability.

White Paper: Sustaining Somali Nomadic Livelihoods Amid Environmental, Socio-Economic, and Plastic Pollution Challenges

A Call to Action

Mar 04, 2025


Executive Summary

Somali nomadic pastoralists face escalating threats from climate shocks, environmental degradation, and socio-economic shifts, now compounded by the pervasive issue of plastic pollution. This paper expands on prior analysis to address the acute problem of plastic bags and containers, which accumulate in rangelands and urban centers due to ..

https://substack.com/home/post/p-158378441?utm_campaign=email-post&r=5b23go&utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email

Unlock Exclusive Insights: Transition from My Blog to My Substack

Thank you for being a valued reader of my blog! I’m excited to share that I’ve expanded my content and offerings on Substack. While my blog provides a glimpse into my thoughts and work, my Substack account takes it to the next level, offering exclusive content, in-depth analyses, and behind-the-scenes insights that you won’t find anywhere else.

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Your support means everything to me, and by subscribing, you’re not just investing in my work, but also in a new level of dialogue and exchange. I can’t wait to continue our journey together—let’s explore these topics more deeply!

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Chief Editor

تحيات رمضان من وسائل الإعلام الرقمية WDM

مع قدوم الهلال الذي يبشر بقدوم رمضان، شهر مليء بالروحانية والتأمل والمجتمع، يمدّ فريق ورشمي الرقمية (WDM) أحر التهاني لجميع قرائنا و مشتركينا. نحن ندرك أن هذا الوقت المقدس هو فرصة للنمو والفهم وتعزيز الروابط مع العائلة والأصدقاء.

شهر التأمل والإخلاص

يدعونا رمضان لاحتضان مبادئ الصبر والتواضع والرحمة. إنه وقت يشارك فيه الملايين حول العالم في صيام من الفجر حتى الغروب، وهي ممارسة تهدف ليس فقط إلى الامتناع عن الطعام والشراب، بل لتعزيز الاتصال الأعمق بالإيمان وزرع التعاطف مع أولئك الأقل حظًا. يشجعنا هذا الشهر على التأمل في حياتنا، والتعبير عن الامتنان لنعمنا، والسعي للتجديد الروحي.

تعزيز الإحساس بالمجتمع

أكثر من أهميته الدينية، رمضان هو وقت يبرز أهمية المجتمع والتواصل. تجتمع العائلات لتناول الإفطار، الوجبة المسائية التي تُفطر الصيام، حيث يتشاركون الطعام والضحك والقصص. إنها لحظة من الفرح والوحدة والاحتفال التي تتجاوز الحدود الشخصية. في WDM، نؤمن بقوة المجتمع، ونشجع قرائنا على تعزيز روابطهم مع من حولهم خلال هذا الشهر ذو المعنى.

نتمنى الصحة والسعادة

الصحة والرفاهية هي الأهم خلال رمضان، ونتمنى لقرائنا صحة جيدة بينما يبدأون رحلتهم في الصيام. من الضروري تغذية الجسم والروح، تحقيق التوازن بين المتطلبات الجسدية للصيام والممارسات الروحية مثل الصلاة وقراءة القرآن والمشاركة في الأعمال الخيرية. مع دخولنا هذا الشهر، عسى أن تجدوا القوة لمواجهة تحدياته والهدوء الناتج عن الوفاء بالالتزامات الروحية.

خاتمة

ختامًا، بينما نحتفل ببدء رمضان، يقف فريق وارشامي الرقمية (WDM) في تضامن مع مجتمعنا العزيز. نتمنى لكم جميعًا شهراً مليئًا بالسلام والتأمل والنمو. صيام مبارك، وعسى أن يجلب لكم هذا رمضان القرب من طموحاتكم ويمنحكم الصحة الجيدة خلال الأيام المقبلة.

أطيب التحيات،
إسماعيل ورشمي
المحرر الرئيسي 
وسائل الإعلام الرقمية ورشمي (WDM)

Ramadan Greetings from Warsame Digital Media (WDM)

As the crescent moon heralds the arrival of Ramadan, a month steeped in spirituality, reflection, and community, Warsame Digital Media (WDM) extends its heartfelt congratulations to all our subscribers and readers. We recognize this sacred time as an opportunity for growth, understanding, and the strengthening of bonds with family and friends.

A Month of Reflection and Devotion

Ramadan invites us to embrace the principles of patience, humility, and compassion. It is a time when millions around the world engage in fasting from dawn until dusk, a practice designed not just to abstain from food and drink, but to foster a deeper connection with one’s faith and to cultivate empathy for those who are less fortunate. This month encourages us to reflect on our lives, express gratitude for our blessings, and seek spiritual renewal.

Fostering a Sense of Community

Beyond its religious significance, Ramadan is a time that underscores the importance of community and togetherness. Families gather for Iftar, the evening meal that breaks the fast, sharing food, laughter, and stories. It is a moment of joy, of unity, and of celebration that transcends personal boundaries. At WDM, we believe in the power of community, and we encourage our readers to strengthen their ties with those around them during this meaningful month.

Wishing Good Health and Fulfillment

Health and well-being are paramount during Ramadan, and we wish our readers good health as they embark on their fasting journey. It is essential to nourish both the body and soul, balancing the physical demands of fasting with spiritual practices such as prayers, reading the Quran, and engaging in acts of charity. As we enter this month, may you find the strength to meet its challenges and the tranquillity that comes from fulfilling spiritual commitments.

Conclusion

In conclusion, as we celebrate the onset of Ramadan, Warsame Digital Media (WDM) stands in solidarity with our cherished community. We wish you all a month filled with peace, reflection, and growth. Happy fasting, and may this Ramadan bring you closer to your aspirations and grant you good health throughout the days ahead.

Warm regards,

Ismail H Warsame
Chief Editor 
Warsame Digital Media WDM

Balancing Geopolitics: Addressing Ethiopia’s Drive for Sea Access in a Fragile Region

Somalia’s policy needs to balance firmness on sovereignty with pragmatic engagement to address Ethiopia’s needs, using international and regional partnerships to pressure Ethiopia, while offering viable alternatives that serve both countries’ interests. Also, managing domestic opinion through transparent communication and ensuring any deal is perceived as beneficial to Somalia’s territorial integrity and economic development.

Somalia’s policy towards Ethiopia must navigate historical mistrust, territorial integrity concerns, and regional rivalries while addressing Ethiopia’s quest for sea access. Here’s a structured approach:

1. Diplomatic and Legal Assertiveness

  • Ankara Process Engagement: Prioritize technical committees in Ankara to negotiate Ethiopia’s sea access under Somali sovereignty. Demand Ethiopia formally void its Somaliland MoU as a precondition.
  • International Advocacy: Leverage the African Union and UN to affirm Somaliland as part of Somalia, pressuring Ethiopia to abandon unilateral deals. Highlight violations of territorial integrity under international law.

2. Domestic Unity and Communication

  • Public Diplomacy: Transparently communicate negotiations to Somalis, emphasizing sovereignty safeguards. Address grievances through inclusive dialogue to mitigate protests and build national consensus.

3. Economic and Security Incentives

  • Port Access Proposals: Offer Ethiopia conditional port access via a Somali-government-approved agreement, ensuring oversight and revenue-sharing. Tie access to Ethiopia’s disengagement from Somaliland.
  • Security Collaboration: Strengthen counterterrorism cooperation (e.g., against Al-Shabaab and ISIS) to build trust and mutual dependency.

4. Regional Balancing and Mediation

  • Neutralize Rivalries: Maintain cautious engagement with Egypt in forums like AUSSOM (likely a regional security initiative) without alienating Ethiopia. Use Turkey/Qatar as neutral mediators to ensure balanced outcomes.
  • Tripartite Dialogue: Explore indirect talks with Somaliland, incentivizing reintegration with autonomy guarantees while isolating Ethiopia’s unilateral moves.

5. Contingency Planning

  • Sanctions and Leverage: Prepare multilateral pressure (AU, Arab League) if Ethiopia persists with Somaliland. Highlight economic costs for Ethiopia, such as strained IGAD relations.
  • Alternative Partnerships: Deepen ties with Turkey, Qatar, or others for port investments, reducing Ethiopia’s leverage.

Key Considerations:

  • Sovereignty First: Any agreement must explicitly recognize Somali territorial integrity. Avoid precedents that embolden secessionism.
  • Pragmatism: Acknowledge Ethiopia’s economic needs but frame solutions within Somali-led frameworks.
  • Long-Term Vision: Use negotiations to stabilize bilateral relations, fostering economic interdependence (trade, infrastructure) to dilute historical tensions.

By combining firm legal posturing with pragmatic incentives, Somalia can protect its sovereignty while addressing Ethiopia’s interests, reducing regional volatility, and securing international support.

Two Fateful Nights That Forged Puntland: A Personal Account of Resilience and Unity


Introduction
In the turbulent aftermath of Somalia’s state collapse in 1991, the birth of Puntland in 1998 emerged as a beacon of hope for self-governance. This is the story of two pivotal nights that shaped its creation—a tale of leadership, clan diplomacy, and the tenacity of a people determined to carve stability from chaos. As a participant in these events, I recount how decisive moments in Addis Ababa and Bosaso altered the course of history.


Historical Context: Somalia’s Fragmentation and the Road to Puntland

Following the fall of Siad Barre’s regime, Somalia fractured into clan-based territories. The Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF), a Majerteen-dominated movement, sought to reunite northeastern regions. Key figures like Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed (later Puntland’s first president) and Hassan Abshir Waraabe navigated a labyrinth of clan alliances and rivalries. Against this backdrop, the 1997 collapse of the Cairo Reconciliation Talks spurred leaders to pursue localized solutions, culminating in Puntland’s founding.


The First Fateful Night: The Garowe Consultative Congress

Addis Ababa, December 1997
In a cramped room at Ghion Hotel, a debate raged. A call from Islaan Mohamed Islaan Muuse urged attendance at a Harti Clan Conference in Garowe. While elders hesitated, fearing distraction from Ethiopian-based negotiations, I, the youngest present, argued passionately: “Mogadishu’s warlords rule not from exile but on the ground. We must go to Garowe.”

Outcome: The group journeyed to Garowe, where a Dhulbahante-led reconciliation between Abdullahi Yusuf and Mohamed Abdi Hashi dissolved tensions. Their clash—rooted in allegiances to Mogadishu’s warlords, Cali Mahdi and General Caydiid—was defused with humor and clan solidarity. This unity laid the groundwork for the Consultative Congress, Puntland’s first constitutional draft.


The Second Fateful Night: The Bosaso Fundraising Crisis

Bosaso, 1998
Weeks later, a new threat arose. The SSDF Executive Committee, wary of ceding power, sabotaged fundraising for the Constitutional Congress. Bosaso’s business community, pressured to withhold funds, left the project in jeopardy.

Leadership Tested: As Abdullahi Yusuf neared resignation, I confronted him: “Resign now, and we surrender to defeat.” Relenting, he rallied supporters. Through relentless outreach, we secured first 300 million Somali shillings—a lifeline handed to Islaan Mohamed in Garowe.

Significance: This victory over internal sabotage underscored the fragile coalition behind Puntland, balancing grassroots aspirations against political elites.


Themes and Legacy

  1. Decisive Leadership: Abdullahi Yusuf’s resolve, coupled with youth insistence on ground engagement, countered the inertia of exile politics.
  2. Clan Diplomacy: Personal grudges gave way to collective purpose, exemplified by the Dhulbahante mediation.
  3. Resource Mobilization: Overcoming SSDF resistance highlighted the role of local buy-in in state-building.

Reflections and Relevance Today

Puntland’s creation was no linear triumph but a mosaic of fraught negotiations. These two nights epitomize the interplay of agency and structure in rebuilding societies. As Somalia grapples with ongoing instability, Puntland’s lessons—of inclusivity, adaptability, and leadership—remain vital.

By Ismail H. Warsame
Participant in Puntland’s Founding, Former Chief of Staff to the Puntland Presidency
E-mail: ismailwarsame@gmail.com | Twitter: @ismailwarsame

THE WAR AGAINST ISIS IS NOT OVER YET

The completion of Puntland’s military operation against ISIS in the Cal-Miskaat mountains marks a critical juncture. To consolidate gains, prevent resurgence, and bring remaining leaders like Abdulkadir Mumin to justice, Puntland should adopt the following best practices, informed by counterterrorism strategies globally and regionally:


1. Secure Cleared Territories

  • Maintain a security footprint: Deploy forces to hold recaptured areas (bases, caves, villages) to deter ISIS reinfiltration. Establish checkpoints, patrols, and mobile units to monitor movement.
  • Leverage technology: Use drones, satellite imagery, and motion sensors to surveil remote mountain areas and coastal zones, where fleeing fighters might regroup.
  • Block escape routes: Coordinate with neighboring regions (e.g., Somaliland, Galmudug) and international partners (e.g., EU Naval Force, US AFRICOM) to enforce land, air, and maritime blockades.

2. Intelligence-Driven Manhunt for Leaders

  • Human intelligence (HUMINT): Engage local communities to gather tips on ISIS leaders’ whereabouts. Offer protected anonymity and incentives (e.g., rewards) for credible information.
  • Electronic surveillance: Monitor communication networks (e.g., phones, radios) used by ISIS remnants. Collaborate with international agencies (e.g., INTERPOL, CIA) to track financial flows or encrypted messaging.
  • Targeted raids: Use specialized units (e.g., PDF commandos) for precision strikes based on actionable intelligence to avoid civilian casualties.

3. Community Engagement and Reconciliation

  • Address grievances: Partner with clans, elders, and religious leaders to resolve local disputes (e.g., resource access, land rights) that ISIS exploited for recruitment.
  • Humanitarian aid: Provide immediate relief (food, medicine, shelter) to displaced civilians to build trust and counter ISIS propaganda about government neglect.
  • Counter-radicalization programs: Launch deradicalization initiatives for former ISIS recruits and their families, focusing on education, vocational training, and psychosocial support.

4. Strengthen Governance and Development

  • Restore services: Rebuild infrastructure (schools, hospitals, water sources) in liberated areas to demonstrate tangible benefits of government control.
  • Economic opportunities: Create jobs for youth through public works programs (e.g., road construction, agriculture) to reduce vulnerability to extremist recruitment.
  • Local governance: Appoint credible administrators (preferably locals) to manage recaptured zones, ensuring fair representation and accountability.

5. Regional and International Cooperation

Cross-border collaboration: Share intelligence with Ethiopia, Kenya, and Yemen to disrupt ISIS smuggling routes or safe havens.

International support: Seek funding and training from partners (e.g., UAE, UN) to build capacity in intelligence, logistics, and community policing.


6. Legal and Judicial Frameworks

  • Prosecute captured fighters: Establish transparent, fair trials for ISIS detainees to legitimize counterterrorism efforts and deter future recruitment. Use evidence from seized ISIS materials (documents, videos) to build cases.
  • Sanction facilitators: Work with the UN Security Council to impose travel bans and asset freezes on ISIS-linked individuals and businesses.

7. Counter-Ideological Campaigns

  • Religious outreach: Partner with moderate clerics to challenge ISIS’s extremist interpretations of Islam through mosque sermons, radio programs, and social media.
  • Media strategy: Publicize ISIS’s defeats (e.g., destroyed bases, surrendered fighters) to undermine its image as an invincible “caliphate.”

8. Continuous Assessment and Adaptation

  • Monitor threats: Establish early-warning systems to detect ISIS attempts to regroup, such as small-scale attacks or propaganda resurgence.
  • Evaluate operations: Conduct after-action reviews to identify gaps (e.g., leadership evasion, civilian harm) and adjust tactics.

Key Risks to Mitigate

  • Civilian harm: Avoid heavy-handed tactics that alienate communities. Train PDF forces in international humanitarian law (IHL).
  • Over-reliance on militarization: Pair security operations with governance and development to address root causes of extremism.
  • Leadership vacuums: If Mumin is killed or captured, anticipate ISIS attempts to appoint successors. Preemptively target mid-level commanders.

Conclusion

The “best practice” approach combines securitygovernance, and community trust to transform short-term military gains into lasting stability. Neutralizing leaders like Mumin requires patience, precision, and partnerships, but Puntland’s success will ultimately depend on its ability to offer civilians a credible alternative to extremism.

Garowe Witnesses Groundbreaking Proxy Marriage with Unique Hajj Pilgrimage Condition

By Warsame Digital Media (WDM)
Garowe, March 21, 2019

In the heart of Somalia’s Puntland region, where temperatures often soar under the relentless sun of the Horn of Africa, a traditional yet unconventional wedding ceremony unfolded in the cool, air-conditioned comfort of a Garowe banquet hall. The event, however, defied more than just the sweltering heat: neither the bride nor the groom attended their own nuptials. Instead, representatives from both families formalized the union through marriage by proxy, a longstanding Somali cultural practice where absent couples delegate authority to family members to officiate matrimony on their behalf.

A Novel Twist: Hajj Pilgrimage as a Marriage Condition
What set this ceremony apart was an unprecedented stipulation introduced by the bride’s representative. During the customary exchange of vows, the bride’s family demanded that the groom commit to taking his future wife on the Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca—a requirement described by attendees as a first in Somalia’s matrimonial traditions. The groom’s representative swiftly accepted the condition, ensuring the ceremony proceeded seamlessly. Warsame Digital Media learned through interviews that both the bride and groom, who had consented to the proxy arrangement beforehand, welcomed this innovative clause, viewing the Hajj not only as a spiritual journey but also as a symbolic foundation for their marriage.

Gender Dynamics in Proxy Ceremonies
Notably absent from the event were women, highlighting a cultural norm in such proxy marriages. The negotiation and formalization of the union were conducted exclusively by male representatives, underscoring the traditional gender roles still prevalent in Somali matrimonial customs. While the bride’s wishes were articulated through her male representative, the absence of women at the ceremony itself reflects broader societal structures that often limit their visibility in formal marital proceedings.

A Fusion of Tradition and Modernity
This marriage exemplifies how Somali traditions are evolving to incorporate contemporary aspirations. The Hajj condition, while rooted in Islamic obligation, introduces a modern layer of spousal partnership and shared spiritual goals. Locals speculate whether this precedent could inspire future couples to blend personal or practical conditions into marital agreements, reshaping conventions while preserving cultural frameworks.

As Garowe adapts to shifting societal values, this proxy marriage—with its blend of customary practice and inventive negotiation—offers a glimpse into the dynamic interplay between tradition and modernity in Somalia.

Warsame Digital Media (WDM) is committed to documenting cultural shifts and traditions across Puntland and the Horn of Africa.

[This article appeared in the WDM in March 2019.]


Celebrating Academic Milestones: East Africa University’s Graduation and a Legacy of Perseverance

Garowe, Puntland, Somalia – February 26, 2025

The grandeur of Martisoor Hotel in Garowe served as a fitting backdrop for a momentous occasion yesterday: the Graduation Ceremony of the Master’s Degree program offered by East Africa University (EAU) in collaboration with Lincoln College Malaysia. The event, which celebrated the achievements of postgraduate scholars, marked not only a triumph for the graduates but also a testament to the enduring vision of academic excellence and cross-border partnership in Somalia’s Puntland State.

A Celebration of Achievement
The ceremony honored the dedication of students who successfully completed their advanced studies under the joint program, a pioneering initiative between EAU and Lincoln College Malaysia. The partnership underscores the growing emphasis on international collaboration in higher education, equipping Somali students with globally recognized qualifications while addressing local developmental needs. Attendees included faculty members, government officials, and proud families, all united in celebrating the graduates’ hard-earned success.

In their address, representatives from both institutions highlighted the transformative power of education. “Today, we witness the fruits of perseverance and partnership,” remarked a Lincoln College delegate in a video recording. “These graduates are now ambassadors of knowledge, ready to contribute to Somalia’s progress and beyond.”

A Nostalgic Reflection: Founding East Africa University
For many present, the event carried profound historical resonance. Among the attendees was Ismail H Warsame, former Chief of Staff to the Puntland State Presidency, who shared reflections on EAU’s humble beginnings nearly 25 years ago.

“In the late 1990s, the founders of East Africa University—led by the late President Yusuf AbdulAsis—approached the Puntland government with a bold vision: to establish the region’s first recognized university, the East Africa University (EAU). At the time, their proposal lacked detailed curricula and resources. As Chief of Staff, I advised them to return with a robust academic framework aligned with national standards.

This pivotal moment in EAU’s history became a catalyst for growth. After months of meticulous planning, the university secured official recognition via a Presidential Decree in 1999–2000. The founders’ tenacity was extraordinary. They transformed limited means into a lasting institution, laying the groundwork for what we celebrated yesterday.

From Vision to Reality: EAU’s Journey
What began as a modest endeavor has since flourished into a beacon of higher education in Somalia. EAU now offers diverse programs, from healthcare and engineering to social sciences, and has forged partnerships with global institutions like Lincoln College Malaysia. These collaborations have elevated the quality of education, enabling Somali students to access world-class resources without leaving their homeland.

The university’s evolution mirrors Puntland’s broader strides in rebuilding its education sector post-conflict. By prioritizing accreditation and innovation, EAU has produced generations of professionals who drive progress in both public and private spheres.

Looking Ahead: Aspirations for the Future
As yesterday’s graduates embark on new journeys, the ceremony served as a reminder of education’s role in societal transformation. Keynote speakers urged the cohort to leverage their skills to tackle regional challenges, from healthcare gaps to economic development.

For Ismail H Warsame, the event was deeply personal. “Seeing EAU’s graduates today, I am reminded of the late Yusuf AbdulAsis and his unwavering belief in education. His dream lives on in these scholars.”

The collaboration with Lincoln College Malaysia further signals a promising future. Such partnerships not only enhance academic rigor but also foster cultural exchange, positioning Somali students as global citizens.

Conclusion
The 2024 graduation was more than a ceremonial milestone—it was a celebration of resilience, collaboration, and the unyielding pursuit of knowledge. As East Africa University continues to expand its horizons, its story stands as an inspiration: a testament to how vision, coupled with perseverance, can ignite lasting change.

To the graduates, we extend our utmost congratulations. May your achievements today become the foundation for a brighter tomorrow in Somalia and beyond.

Ismail H Warsame, reflecting on a quarter-century of progress in Puntland’s educational landscape.

Published in https://ismailwarsame.blog/WDM, February 26, 2025.

From Shanty Village to Modern Capital: The Remarkable Transformation of Garowe

Garowe, April 16, 2019 – In 1998, before the establishment of Puntland State, Garowe—now the proud capital of Somalia’s first federal state—was a starkly different place. A squatter-like village with crumbling neighbourhoods, its economy teetered on the edge of collapse. The only signs of commerce were women-run tea stalls serving stale, sugary brews and street vendors peddling khat, a stimulant leaf imported from Kenya and Ethiopia, nations historically at odds with Somalia. Even travelers en route from Galkayo to Bosaso rarely paused here, deterred by the dust, flies, and swarms of mosquitoes that plagued the shanty huts lining the main highway.

A Village on the Brink
Most residents had fled to Galkayo or Bosaso, where nascent economic opportunities and basic public services offered hope. Garowe’s hospitality sector consisted of four rudimentary “hotels”—Daawad, Nugaal, Guureeye, and Bulshaale—where guests slept on mats under blankets, shielding themselves from insects and dust. Commerce was stifled by inter-subclan distrust; transactions rarely crossed kinship lines. Tea vendors often poured unsold stock into the streets, attracting pests and deepening the village’s decline. Not a single two-story building stood in Garowe at the time.

The Puntland Catalyst
Everything changed with Puntland’s founding in 1998. Garowe’s residents made a pivotal decision: they hosted delegates to the state’s constitutional congresses, offering free lodging and security. This generosity earned Garowe the status of capital. Under the leadership of late President Abdullahi Yusuf, Nugaal Region received two ministerial posts—a symbolic gesture of inclusion. Almost overnight, the village began its metamorphosis.

Rise of a Capital
Garowe’s newfound political significance injected it with power, revenue, and ambition. The city’s skyline transformed, dotted with modern high-rises, elevators, and state-of-the-art facilities. While swimming pools remain absent, the 40°C heat may yet inspire their construction. Urbanization brought new social dynamics: residents embraced cosmetics, manicures, and a burgeoning café culture, though some lamented the rise of “urban decadence.” The city’s growth, however, was tempered by lingering clan tensions, encapsulated in the local adage, “Nugaal waa labo daan” (“Nugaal lies between two hills”), a metaphor for territorial caution.

Shadows of Progress: The Aaran Jaan Scandal
Not all transformations were positive. A youth committee tasked with auditing public debt from the constitutional conferences became infamous for embezzling 2.5 billion Somali Shillings (~$250,000 USD). Dubbed Aaran Jaan (“Devil’s Kin”), this group entrenched itself in politics, later infiltrating federal offices in Mogadishu. Today, they wield outsized influence, positioning themselves as powerbrokers between Puntland and the federal government—a legacy of corruption that still taints the region’s reputation.

Garowe Today: A Beacon of Progress
Despite these challenges, Garowe has emerged as a model of urban development in Somalia. Its meticulous town planning, peaceful environment, and entrepreneurial spirit attract visitors and job-seekers from Mogadishu, Hargeisa, and beyond. The city pulses with opportunity, blending tradition and modernity.

Conclusion
Garowe’s journey from a forgotten village to a thriving capital is a testament to resilience and vision. While shadows of its past linger, the city’s skyline—and spirit—soar ever higher. To walk its streets today is to witness Somalia’s potential in motion. Welcome to Garowe: where history meets hope.


Warsame Digital Media (WDM) – Documenting Somalia’s Stories

[This article was edited after posting].

White Paper: Shaping Somalia’s Narrative – A Call for Responsible and Balanced Media Engagement

By Warsame Digital Media (WDM)


Introduction
Warsame Digital Media (WDM) recognizes the pivotal role of writers, narrators, and commentators in shaping Somalia’s story. As voices of influence, your words inspire perceptions locally and globally. While Somalia faces challenges, it also thrives with resilience, innovation, and hope. This white paper urges a shift toward balanced narratives that honor progress and foster unity, steering clear of defeatism and cynicism.


The Role of Media in Somalia’s Journey
Media bridges local and diaspora communities, amplifying voices and framing realities. In post-conflict societies, narratives can either fuel despair or ignite hope. Somalia’s story is multifaceted—acknowledging struggles while celebrating triumphs is vital for collective morale and nation-building.


The Challenge: Defeatism and Its Impact
Persistent negativity in discourse risks normalizing despair, deterring investment, and stifling grassroots efforts. Cynicism erodes trust in institutions and communal bonds. While critique is necessary, unchecked pessimism undermines Somalia’s progress.


The Power of Balanced Narratives

  1. Inspiration Drives Action: Stories of resilience, like youth-led startups or cultural revitalization, motivate societal engagement.
  2. Unity Over Division: Highlighting shared triumphs fosters national pride.
  3. Global Perception: Balanced narratives attract diaspora reinvestment and international partnerships.

Guidelines for Responsible Communication

  1. Avoid Absolutist Language: Replace “everything is broken” with “challenges persist, but progress is evident in…”
  2. Balance Critique with Solutions: Pair analysis of issues with examples of local solutions (e.g., community-led education initiatives).
  3. Amplify Positivity: Showcase entrepreneurship, art, tech innovation, and peaceful dialogue.
  4. Mind Emotional Impact: Consider how words affect vulnerable audiences, especially youth.
  5. Constructive Criticism: Offer actionable feedback instead of venting frustration.
  6. Collaborate: Partner with platforms like WDM to share uplifting stories.

Call to Action: Be Architects of Hope
WDM invites you to reframe Somalia’s narrative:

  • Write with Purpose: Your pen can heal, unite, and inspire.
  • Celebrate Quiet Victories: From small businesses to peacebuilding, every story matters.
  • Engage Diaspora Thoughtfully: Bridge physical distance with cultural pride and optimism.

Conclusion
Somalia’s story is unfolding through its people. By choosing hope over cynicism, you become stewards of its future. WDM pledges support through resources, training, and platforms to amplify responsible storytelling. Together, let’s craft a narrative worthy of Somalia’s resilience.

Contact WDM: [iwarsame@ismailwarsame.blog/https://ismailwarsame.blog/@ismailwarsame]
“A nation’s greatness lies in its storytellers.” – Somali Proverb.


Message to Writers
Dear Change-Makers,
Your words shape destinies. As Somalia rebuilds, we urge you to wield your influence with care. Balance honesty with hope, critique with compassion. Share stories that ignite pride and possibility. Join WDM in fostering a narrative that reflects Somalia’s strength. Together, we rise.

With resolve,
Warsame Digital Media

Letter of Appreciation & Call to Action

Warsame Digital Media
Championing Transparency, Accountability, and Free Press in Somalia
February 24, 2025


To Our Valued Subscribers and Supporters,

Warsame Digital Media (WDM) extends its deepest gratitude to each of you for your unwavering engagement and support. Your dedication to reading our critical analyses and in-depth coverage of Somalia’s national affairs—and broader regional issues in the Horn of Africa—fuels our mission to inform, challenge, and inspire.

A special thank you to those who renewed their subscriptions or joined our community as new members this year. Your generosity is the lifeblood of WDM. Without your trust and commitment, our platform could not continue to amplify voices of truth or hold power to account. We humbly urge others to follow your lead, ensuring this vital platform remains a beacon of independent journalism.

Why Your Involvement Matters
Somalia stands at a crossroads. To build a nation free from corruption, maladministration, and injustice, we must collectively prioritize transparency and courage. WDM is more than a blog—it is a movement. By shedding light on pressing public issues and speaking truth without fear or favor, we lay the groundwork for a brighter future. But we cannot do this alone.

Join Us: Call for Contributors
WDM seeks passionate individuals committed to the principles of a free and fair press. We invite:

  • Writers & Analysts to craft incisive commentary on governance, policy, and society.
  • Reporters & Investigators to uncover stories that demand accountability.
  • Media Monitors & Researchers to track trends and amplify underrepresented voices.

This work demands integrity, vision, and courage. Staying on the sidelines is not an option as Somalia rebuilds. Move beyond social media debates and shared posts—take action with WDM. Your words and efforts can shape narratives, spark change, and leave a lasting legacy.

Together, Let’s Build a New Somalia
The road ahead is challenging, but every subscription, article, and act of support brings us closer to a nation defined by justice and opportunity. Join us in making a difference—not just for tomorrow, but for generations to come.

With renewed resolve and appreciation,

Ismail Warsame
Chief Editor, WDM
“Get Used to Free Press”


Stay Connected | Support Independent Journalism | Contribute Today.

WDM TONE OF VOICE

Announcement to WDM Readers Worldwide
February 24, 2025

At Warsame Digital Media (WDM), our voice is our power. Today, we’re proud to share our official Tone of Voice Guidelines—a blueprint for how we communicate, inform, and inspire as a mission-aligned, impact-driven, and community-centric platform. These principles ensure every headline, story, and interaction reflects our unwavering commitment to truth, justice, and Somali voices everywhere.


OUR CORE TONE PRINCIPLES

  1. FEARLESS & UNCOMPROMISING
    Bold, principled, and unafraid to challenge power.
    Example: “We expose corruption, not cater to it.”
    We don’t use passive language, vague statements, or hedging.
  2. ENLIGHTENING & ANALYTICAL
    Intellectual yet accessible, offering depth without jargon.
    Example: “To understand Somalia’s future, we must confront its past.”
    We avoid overly academic phrasing or superficial takes.
  3. EMPOWERING & HOPEFUL
    We Inspire action and foster resilience.
    Example: “Change begins when voices like yours are amplified.”
    We avoid cynicism or defeatist language.
  4. AUTHENTIC & COMMUNITY-FOCUSED
    We are grounded in Somali realities, prioritizing local voices.
    Example: “This isn’t just our story—it’s yours.”
    We avoid generic or detached perspectives.
  5. URGENT & PURPOSEFUL
    We convey immediacy without sensationalism.
    Example: “The truth can’t wait—and neither can we.”
    We avoid alarmism or clickbait tactics.

PUTTING TONE INTO ACTION

Headlines & Social Media

  • “Corruption Exposed: How WDM Uncovered the Truth Behind the Scandal.”
  • We avoid such things as “You Won’t Believe What Happened Next!” (sensationalized).

Stories & Editorials

  • We humanize data
  • We don’t overwhelm with dry facts

Audience Engagement

  • We invite dialogue: “What solutions do YOU want to see? Share your voice.”
  • We don’t dismiss criticism like: “If you don’t like it, go elsewhere.”

OUR LANGUAGE & STYLE

  • Vocabulary:  We use active verbs like “expose,” “challenge,” “amplify”—and Somali terms (heer for clan, shaqo for work) to honor cultural authenticity.
  • Structure: We use short, impactful paragraphs for digital clarity.
  • Visuals: We pair text with imagery of resilience—protest art, grassroots activists, real images, and historical archives.

WHO WE ARE
WDM is the “Guardian-Observer hybrid with a Somali heartbeat”:

We have the passion of a local activist newsletter.


FINAL CHECKS BEFORE WE PUBLISH

  1. Does this align with WDM’s mission to inform and empower?
  2. Is the tone respectful yet unyielding in pursuing truth?
  3. Will it resonate with Somali locals and the global diaspora?

WHY THIS TONE WORKS FOR WDM
It balances authority with approachability, ensuring credibility without elitism. It reflects Somali realities while engaging global allies. Most importantly, it fuels our role as disruptors in a media landscape too often constrained by fear or bias.

Join us in amplifying fearless, authentic, and urgent storytelling. Together, we rise.

— The Warsame Digital Media Team

WDM Vision for Puntland State Progress

 February 23, 2025 


Introduction: Unleashing the Power of Puntland’s Global Network
Imagine a future where Puntland’s diaspora—scattered across continents as doctors, engineers, entrepreneurs, and advocates—becomes the backbone of the region’s transformation. According to World Bank estimates, diaspora remittances already fuel 15-30% of Puntland’s GDP, but their potential extends far beyond finances. Their skills, innovation, and cultural ties are untapped goldmines. At Warsame Digital Media (WDM), we propose a bold, structured vision to channel this potential into security, stability, reconstruction, and inclusive growth. Ad-hoc contributions are over; it’s time for systemic, accountable collaboration.


The WDM Vision

To transform Puntland’s diaspora into architects of sustainable development through transparent partnerships, innovation, and shared purpose.


Strategic Priorities: A Blueprint for Impact

  1. Security Enhancement
    • Strengthen defense capabilities and counterterrorism resilience.
  2. Stability Promotion
    • Foster governance reforms and community-led peacebuilding.
  3. Reconstruction & Infrastructure
    • Rebuild critical assets with sustainable, diaspora-driven investments.
  4. Economic Growth
    • Ignite job creation through entrepreneurship and SME support.
  5. Trust & Transparency
    • Embed accountability at every level of engagement.

Policy Framework: From Ideas to Action

A. Security Sector Support

  • Diaspora Defense Fund (DDF):
    A transparent platform for contributions (cash, equipment, expertise) to the Puntland Defense Forces.
    • Example: Fund community-led drone surveillance in conflict zones, inspired by Kenya’s Nyumba Kumi model.
    • Oversight: Independent audit committee with diaspora reps to review quarterly impact reports.
  • Expertise Exchange Program:
    Deploy diaspora professionals (e.g., cybersecurity experts) for PDF training via virtual workshops or on-site missions.

B. Stability & Governance

  • Diaspora Peacebuilding Grants:
    Fund NGOs and elders leading reconciliation programs, like inter-clan dialogues in Galgala Mountain ranges.
  • Humanitarian Aid Coordination:
    Partner with diaspora NGOs for targeted aid delivery (e.g., drought relief in Nugal).
  • Diaspora Advisory Council:
    Formalize diaspora input on anti-corruption reforms, modeled on Ethiopia’s diaspora boards.

C. Reconstruction & Infrastructure

  • Adopt-a-Project Scheme:
    Sponsor schools, hospitals, or roads with naming rights (e.g., “Garowe Tech Hub by Toronto Somali Association”).
  • Transparency Portal:
    Real-time digital dashboard tracking budgets and progress, akin to Somalia’s Wadajir Platform.
  • Tax Incentives for PPPs:
    10% tax rebates for diaspora investments in renewables or port infrastructure.

D. Economic Growth & Innovation

  • Diaspora Investment Authority (DIA):
    A one-stop shop for expedited licensing, land leases, and mentorship.
  • Venture Capital Fund:
    Match diaspora investments in high-growth sectors like agriculture, fishery, animal husbandry, and solar energy (see Djibouti’s agro-processing success).
  • Job Creation Rewards:
    3-year tax holidays for businesses creating 50+ local jobs.

E. Accountability & Trust-Building

  • Anti-Corruption Safeguards:
    Mandate competitive bidding for diaspora-funded projects + whistleblower protections.
  • Diaspora Oversight Committees:
    Include diaspora reps in procurement reviews to ensure accountability.

Implementation Roadmap: Steps to Success

  1. Launch a Diaspora Liaison Office (2025):
    Resolve disputes, streamline processes, and provide real-time updates.
  2. Host Annual Diaspora Summit (2026):
    Rotate between Garowe, Galkayo, and Bosaso to align priorities and celebrate contributors.
  3. #PuntlandRising Campaign:
    Viral social media drive showcasing diaspora success stories.

Why This Works: Incentives & Impact

  • Recognition: Annual “Diaspora Patriot of the Year” awards.
  • Cultural Bonds: Sponsor heritage tours for diaspora youth to reconnect with roots.
  • Measurable Outcomes: Annual reports tracking GDP growth, jobs created, and security gains.

Conclusion: A Call to Build Together

Puntland’s future hinges on turning its global diaspora from spectators into nation-builders. This framework—rooted in transparency, innovation, and inclusivity—offers the blueprint.

To the Puntland Government: Institutionalize this policy to harness global Somali expertise.
To the Diaspora: Invest your skills, capital, and voice in a homeland ready to rise.

Together, a secure, prosperous Puntland isn’t just a dream—it’s within reach.


Warsame Digital Media | Bridging Policy and Progress
February 23, 2025 | https://ismailwarsame.blog | @ismailwarsame

Engage With Us:

  • What project would you sponsor under the Adopt-a-Project Scheme? Comment below!
  • Share your vision for Puntland using #PuntlandRising.

Why Supporting WDM Means Championing Fearless, Unbiased Journalism


Introduction:
In a world where media integrity is often compromised by political and financial pressures, Warsame Digital Media (WDM) stands as a beacon of truth. Imagine a platform where journalism thrives without fear—exposing injustices, uncovering hidden stories, and empowering communities. This is WDM. In regions like Somalia, where press freedom faces relentless challenges, our mission is not just vital—it’s revolutionary. Will you stand with us to protect independent journalism?

Why WDM Matters:
WDM is more than a news outlet; we are a movement. Our journalists risk their safety to deliver stories that others shy away from—from investigating corruption to amplifying marginalized voices. By weaving historical context into today’s headlines, we empower readers to understand the roots of societal issues and drive meaningful change. Your support sustains this courage.

What We Offer:

  • Critical Analysis: Unpack complex issues with in-depth reporting that goes beyond surface-level headlines.
  • Historical Context: Connect current events to Somalia’s rich history, fostering a deeper understanding of today’s challenges.
  • Timely Commentaries: Stay ahead with sharp, actionable insights from editors who prioritize truth over sensationalism.
  • Impactful Stories: From exposing human rights abuses to celebrating grassroots heroes, our work sparks dialogue and action.

How You Can Help:
Subscribe today to join a global community committed to truth. Your contribution directly funds:

  • Investigative Journalism: Uncovering stories that hold power accountable.
  • Safety Training: Protecting our reporters in high-risk environments.
  • Community Programs: Educating citizens on media literacy and civic engagement.

Join Us Before It’s Too Late:
Every subscription ensures WDM remains free from external influence. Help us reach 1,000 subscribers this month to expand our coverage across East Africa.

Contact Us:
📞 Tel/WhatsApp: +252 90 703 4081
📧 Email: iwarsame@ismailwarsame.blog | ismailwarsame@gmail.com
🌍 Follow: [Twitter] @ismailwarsame | [Facebook] Ismail Warsame Media

Closing Statement:
Supporting WDM isn’t just about news—it’s about safeguarding democracy. When truth is silenced, darkness prevails. Stand with us today. Be the light.

WDM OPEN LETTER OF COMMENDATION

To: H.E. Said Abdullahi Deni
President of Puntland State of Somalia
Puntland State Presidency Office
Garowe, Puntland
Somalia

Subject: Commendation for Exemplary Leadership in Combating ISIS in the Cal-Miskaat Mountain Ranges

Excellency,

I write to extend my deepest admiration and commendation for your resolute leadership in guiding Puntland State Defence Forces (PDF) to decisive victories against ISIS in the Cal-Miskaat mountain ranges of the Bari Region of Northeast Somalia. Your unwavering commitment to eradicating terrorism and restoring stability to Northeast Somalia stands as a testament to your visionary governance and dedication to the people of Puntland State.

Under your steadfast command, the mobilization of troops and the galvanization of public support have proven instrumental in turning the tide against this grave threat. By uniting citizens and soldiers alike in a shared cause, you have not only bolstered morale but also reinforced the collective resolve to safeguard Puntland’s stability and security. The success of this campaign underscores the effectiveness of your strategic acumen and hands-on leadership, which have inspired both confidence and courage across the region.

The liberation of the Cal-Miskaat area marks a pivotal milestone in countering violent extremism, paving the way for lasting peace and prosperity. It is heartening to witness how your administration’s efforts have curtailed ISIS’s influence, protected vulnerable communities, and restored hope for a future free from fear. The sacrifices of the Puntland State Defence Forces, local communities, and all stakeholders involved in this struggle reflect the profound resilience of our people—a resilience mirrored and magnified by your own leadership.

As Puntland continues to confront security challenges, I trust that your exemplary stewardship will remain a beacon of strength and unity. The international community watches with respect as your administration sets a powerful example of locally led counterterrorism success.

Once again, I applaud your extraordinary efforts and extend my sincere gratitude for your service to the people of Puntland State. May this victory herald a new era of stability, and may your vision for a secure and prosperous Somalia continue to flourish.

With utmost respect,

Ismail H Warsame
Chief Editor/WDM
iwarsame@ismailwarsame.blog

PUNTLAND IS FOR ASYMMETRICAL FEDERALISM

To effectively advocate for asymmetrical federalism, leveraging its resources and historical political strength, Puntland State has to follow these structured recommendations:

1. Historical and Political Contextualization

  • Historical Precedents: Highlight Puntland’s role in Somali governance, including its 1998 declaration of autonomy, which predates Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (2004). Emphasize its experience in maintaining stability, conflict resolution, and institution-building.
  • Critique Centralization Failures: Reference Somalia’s history of centralized authoritarianism (e.g., Siad Barre’s regime) and post-1991 state collapse to argue that centralized power risks repeating past mistakes. Contrast this with Puntland’s relative stability under decentralized governance.

2. Legal and Constitutional Frameworks

  • Provisional Constitution: Use Somalia’s 2012 provisional constitution, which recognizes federalism (Article 3), to legitimize asymmetrical arrangements. Argue that flexibility exists for negotiated autonomy, as seen in other federations (e.g., Canada, Ethiopia).
  • Negotiation Strategy: Push for constitutional amendments or bilateral agreements to formalize Puntland’s unique status, such as control over resource management, security, and cultural policies.

3. Resource Management and Economic Arguments

  • Resource Leverage: Highlight Puntland’s strategic assets (e.g., seaports, potential oil reserves, rich precious minerals, fisheries) to demonstrate how local control could boost regional and national economies. Propose revenue-sharing models (e.g., % of resource profits to Mogadishu) to align with national interests.
  • Economic Decentralization: Cite examples like Nigeria’s derivation principle or Iraqi Kurdistan’s oil agreements to show how regional resource autonomy can coexist with federal systems.

4. Coalition Building and Diplomacy

  • Domestic Alliances: Collaborate with other federal states (e.g., Jubaland, Galmudug) on shared grievances against central overreach, while distinguishing Puntland’s unique historical claims.
  • International Advocacy: Engage diaspora communities, NGOs, and partners like the EU or AU to frame asymmetrical federalism as a stability-enhancing model. Avoid secessionist rhetoric to maintain international support for Somali unity.

5. Education and Advocacy Strategies

  • Workshops/Publications: Develop Somali-language materials explaining asymmetrical federalism, using case studies (e.g., Quebec, Catalonia). Target politicians, intellectuals, and traditional leaders (e.g., clan elders).
  • Media Campaigns: Utilize local radio, TV, and social media to emphasize Puntland’s contributions to Somalia and the risks of centralization. Frame autonomy as a tool for equitable development, not separatism.
  • Academic Partnerships: Partner with universities to research federalism models and host conferences, inviting national and international experts.

6. Addressing Challenges

  • Counter Centralization Narratives: Preempt accusations of divisiveness by stressing that asymmetrical federalism strengthens unity through mutual respect. For example, note how Ethiopia’s federal system accommodates diversity.
  • Internal Consensus: Address intra-Puntland divisions by fostering dialogue between political elites, business leaders, and civil society to unify the autonomy agenda.

7. Strategic Messaging

  • Unified Somalia, Diverse Governance: Use slogans like “Strong Regions, Strong Somalia” to link Puntland’s autonomy to national prosperity.
  • Security Framing: Argue that Puntland’s autonomous security forces (e.g., counter-piracy efforts) benefit Somalia’s stability, justifying asymmetrical control.

Key Examples for Persuasion

  • Ethiopia’s Ethnic Federalism: Demonstrates how regional autonomy can manage diversity.
  • Canadian Asymmetry: Quebec’s distinct language and cultural policies within a federal system.
  • Iraqi Kurdistan: Resource management and security autonomy without formal secession.

Conclusion

By grounding the argument in Somalia’s constitutional framework, historical precedents, and economic pragmatism, Puntland can position asymmetrical federalism as a stabilizing, equitable solution. Education and coalition-building will be critical to preempt resistance from Mogadishu and secure broad-based support.

TO STAY IN THE SOMALI FEDERATION, PUNTLAND STATE COULD STILL OPT FOR ASYMMETRICAL UNION


To navigate its quest for asymmetrical federalism within Somalia’s contentious political landscape, Puntland must leverage its unique resources, historical influence, and strategic priorities while balancing national unity. Below is a structured approach:


1. Legal and Constitutional Negotiations

  • Amend the Provisional Constitution:
    Advocate for constitutional recognition of asymmetrical federalism, allowing Puntland greater autonomy in governance, resource management, and security. This could mirror models like Quebec (Canada) or Zanzibar (Tanzania), where regions have distinct powers while remaining part of the state.
    • Key Demands: Control over marine resources (fishing, ports), cultural heritage preservation, and local security forces.
    • Leverage International Mediation: Engage the AU, IGAD, or UN to broker talks with Mogadishu, framing autonomy as a stabilizing measure amid counterterrorism efforts.
  • Draft a Puntland Charter:
    Formalize its governance structure, rights, and obligations within Somalia’s federal framework, ensuring alignment with Somali cultural norms and international law.

2. Economic Leverage and Resource Management

  • Negotiate Revenue-Sharing Agreements:
    Demand a higher share of revenues from its natural resources (e.g., frankincense, myrrh, fisheries) to fund local development. Propose a model similar to Iraq’s Kurdistan Region, which retains 17% of federal oil revenues.
    • Ports and Trade: Use control of critical ports (Bosaso, Garacad) to negotiate trade autonomy or joint federal-state management.
  • Develop Blue Economy Partnerships:
    Partner with international entities (e.g., UAE, Turkey, EU) to invest in marine resource exploitation, positioning Puntland as a hub for sustainable fisheries and maritime trade.

3. Political Coalition-Building

  • Form Alliances with Other Federal States:
    Collaborate with Jubaland, Galmudug, and others to push for a decentralized federal system. Jointly advocate for constitutional reforms that empower states while preserving national cohesion.
  • Engage Clan and Civil Society:
    Mobilize Puntland’s influential clans (e.g., Majeerteen, Warsangeli, Dhulbahante, Lelkase, others) and civil society to build grassroots support for autonomy, framing it as a safeguard against Mogadishu’s overreach.

4. Security and Counterterrorism as Bargaining Chips

  • Link Autonomy to Regional Stability:
    Highlight Puntland’s role in combating ISIS in Cal-Miskat and securing the Gulf of Aden. Argue that greater autonomy would enhance its capacity to address transnational threats, benefiting Somalia and global partners.
    • Request Security Sector Support: Seek direct international funding for PMPF, Darawiish, PSF (e.g., via UAE, EU, or U.S. AFRICOM) to reduce reliance on Mogadishu.

5. Public Diplomacy and Identity Politics

  • Promote Puntland’s Historical Legacy:
    Emphasize its pre-1960 political and administrative experience and leadership in Somali reconciliation efforts (e.g., 2004–2009). Use cultural heritage (e.g., ancient port cities like Qandala, Alula, Bargaal, Hafuun etc) to bolster claims to self-rule.
  • Media Campaigns:
    Utilize platforms like Puntland TV and social media to frame autonomy as a democratic right and economic necessity, countering Mogadishu’s centralization narrative.

6. Confidence-Building Measures with Mogadishu

  • Phased Implementation:
    Propose transitional agreements (e.g., 5–10 years) to test asymmetrical governance, allowing Mogadishu to monitor outcomes without ceding permanent authority.
  • Joint Committees:
    Establish federal-state committees on resource management, security, and constitutional reform to build trust and incremental collaboration.

7. International Advocacy

  • Lobby for Recognition:
    Leverage partnerships with Gulf states (UAE, Saudi Arabia) and Turkey, which have strategic interests in Puntland’s ports and resources, to pressure Mogadishu into concessions.
    • Engage Diaspora Networks: Mobilize Puntland’s diaspora in Europe and North America to advocate for autonomy through lobbying and remittance-funded development projects.

8. Mitigating Risks

  • Avoid Secessionist Rhetoric:
    Clearly distinguish asymmetrical federalism from Somaliland’s independence bid to retain domestic and international legitimacy.
  • Prevent Fragmentation:
    Ensure autonomy demands do not alienate minority clans in Puntland, maintaining internal cohesion through inclusive governance.

Comprehensive Analysis and Expansion of Puntland’s Counter-ISIS Strategy in the Cal-Miskat Mountains

By Jama Haji Warsame, Puntland State, Somalia

Introduction
Puntland’s battle against ISIS in the Cal-Miskat Mountain Range is a pivotal effort to stabilize Somalia and curb regional extremism. While the original reports outline a strategic framework, a deeper dive into specific challenges, stakeholder dynamics, and innovative solutions is essential for a robust policy response.


Short-Term Security Challenges: Context and Data

  1. Tactical Adaptations by ISIS:
    • ISIS has historically employed hit-and-run tactics in Somalia’s rugged terrain. For instance, in 2022, militants used similar strategies in the Golis Mountains, causing prolonged skirmishes. The use of IEDs has surged, with over 50 incidents reported in Puntland in 2023 alone, complicating troop movements and endangering civilians.
    • Humanitarian Impact: The UN estimates 30,000 civilians have been displaced since operations began, straining resources in cities like Bosaso. Organizations like the Somali Red Crescent are providing aid, but funding gaps exceed $15 million.
    • Financial Strain: Puntland’s annual security budget is 25 million dollars, yet counter−ISIS operations consume 4010 million dollars, the stabilization package, remains critical but insufficient.

Long-Term Consequences: Lessons from History

  • Security Vacuum: The 2017 withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from central Somalia led to Al-Shabab’s resurgence. Puntland must avoid this by pre-positioning trained local forces in liberated areas.
  • Economic Stagnation: The fishing and livestock sectors, contributing 60% of Puntland’s GDP, face disruption. Unemployment among youth (over 70%) heightens vulnerability to radicalization.
  • Regional Spillover: ISIS affiliates in Mozambique and the DRC demonstrate the group’s capacity to exploit governance gaps. Cross-border intelligence-sharing with Kenya and Ethiopia is vital.

Stakeholder Roles: Collaboration and Challenges

  • Local Leaders: In Somaliland, clan-led peace councils reduced intercommunal violence by 50% in 2020. Replicating this model could enhance trust in Puntland.
  • Federal Government Tensions: Puntland’s boycott of Somalia’s National Security Council in 2023 over resource-sharing disputes risks fragmenting counterterrorism efforts. Mediation by the AU or IGAD is critical.
  • International Partners: The U.S. AFRICOM provides drone surveillance and occasional airstrikes, while UAE trains PMPF troops. The UAE’s port investments in Bosaso could be further leveraged for more economic-security linkages.

Post-Conflict Engagement: Innovative Solutions

  1. Rehabilitation Programs:
    • Nigeria’s “Operation Safe Corridor” DE radicalized 2,000 Boko Haram fighters via psychosocial support. Puntland could partner with UNICEF to replicate this, focusing on vocational training in agriculture.
  2. Infrastructure Development:
    • Prioritize towns-Cal-Miskat road projects to enhance market access and security mobility. Mobile health clinics piloted in Galmudug, reduced maternal mortality by 30%, and could be expanded.
  3. Gender-Inclusive Strategies:
    • Include women in community policing, as seen in Kenya’s “Nyumba Kumi” initiative, which improved local intelligence by 40%.
  4. Environmental Considerations:
    • Mine-clearance efforts must integrate environmental NGOs to restore grazing lands. The HALO Trust’s work in Somaliland offers a blueprint.

The Way Forward: Integrated Strategies

  • Phased Governance Rollout: Within 6 months of liberation, mobile administration units (MAUs) could be deployed to provide basic services, building on lessons from the Somali Regional State in Ethiopia.
  • Economic Revitalization: Partner with the World Bank’s Somalia Urban Resilience Project to fund youth entrepreneurship in Bosaso, targeting sectors like renewable energy and digital services.
  • International Coordination: Establish a “Cal-Miskat Stabilization Coalition” with the AU, EU, and Gulf states, modeled on the Global Coalition Against Daesh, to pool resources and intelligence.

Conclusion
Puntland’s success hinges on transcending military action to embrace holistic governance, economic inclusivity, and regional cooperation. By integrating lessons from global counterinsurgency efforts and addressing gaps in gender and environmental policy, Puntland can transform Cal-Miskat into a beacon of resilience, deterring extremism through sustainable development. The international community must act decisively, recognizing that stability in Puntland is a linchpin for regional security.

Addressing Somali Concerns Over Ankara Talks & Puntland’s Stance

By Warsame Digital Media | February 18, 2025

Growing anxiety among Somalis over recent negotiations between Somalia and Ethiopia, particularly regarding the Ankara Declaration and Ethiopia’s pursuit of sea access, underscores the need for a unified and transparent diplomatic strategy. These concerns are amplified by Puntland State, a critical stakeholder in Somalia’s federal structure, which has voiced objections to the Ankara process over fears of marginalization and threats to Somalia’s territorial integrity. Below are actionable steps to safeguard Somalia’s sovereignty, address Puntland’s grievances, and ensure inclusive representation in high-stakes talks:


1. Ensure National Unity and Federal Inclusion

  • Immediate Action: Expand the Somali delegation to include representatives from federal member states, particularly Puntland, whose strategic coastal interests are directly impacted. Embed technical experts in international law, maritime boundaries, and regional security to counterbalance Ethiopia’s geopolitical leverage.
  • Long-Term Measure: Formalize a permanent intergovernmental committee comprising federal and state-level leaders to oversee all negotiations affecting national sovereignty.

2. Prioritize Transparency and Public Trust

  • Conduct nationwide consultations with civil society, clan elders, and regional governments to unify Somalia’s position. Publicly share the government’s red lines (e.g., no territorial concessions, upholding UNCLOS maritime laws).
  • Issue regular updates via a dedicated portal to dispel rumors and affirm Somalia’s commitment to its constitutional principles.

3. Address Puntland’s Specific Concerns

  • Acknowledge Puntland’s historic role in stabilizing Somalia and countering extremism. Guarantee its inclusion in Ankara Declaration follow-up talks, especially on issues impacting its coastline and resources.
  • Reject any agreements that bypass federal consensus, reinforcing Article 54 of Somalia’s Provisional Constitution, which mandates federal oversight on international treaties.

4. Mobilize Regional and International Backing

  • Rally support from the African Union (AU), Arab League, and Turkey to uphold Somalia’s sovereignty under international law. Highlight Ethiopia’s potential violation of AU principles on border integrity.
  • Partner with Egypt, Eritrea, and other Nile Basin states wary of Ethiopian expansionism to build a united diplomatic front.

5. Prepare Legal and Diplomatic Safeguards

  • Commission a UNCLOS-compliant maritime boundary review to preempt disputes. If Ethiopia escalates its claims, pursue arbitration at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) or UN Security Council.
  • Draft contingency sanctions legislation targeting entities that undermine Somalia’s territorial sovereignty.

6. Invest in Diplomatic Capacity

  • Train Somali diplomats in multilateral negotiation tactics and maritime law, prioritizing talent from coastal states like Puntland.
  • Establish a Horn of Africa Policy Institute to generate data-driven strategies for future negotiations.

Conclusion: Unity as a Non-Negotiable Priority

Somalia’s fragility demands that Mogadishu and federal states like Puntland present a cohesive front. By centering transparency, legal rigor, and inclusive dialogue, Somalia can resist external pressures while rebuilding domestic trust. The Ankara process must not become a pretext for division but a catalyst for reinforcing Somalia’s indivisible sovereignty.


Warsame Digital Media advocates for Somali-led solutions grounded in constitutionalism and equity.


Key Points:

  1. Explicit Acknowledgment of Puntland: Directly addresses its grievances and integrates its representation into the strategy.
  2. Stronger Legal Frameworks: Emphasizes UNCLOS and ICJ mechanisms to counter Ethiopian claims.
  3. Domestic Transparency Measures: Proposes concrete tools (e.g., public portals) to rebuild trust.
  4. Regional Coalition-Building: Aligns Somalia with regional actors opposed to Ethiopian overreach.
  5. Constitutional Safeguards: Cites Article 54 to justify federal-state collaboration on treaties.

WDM MESSAGE

The risk of Somalia’s breakup hinges on addressing the trust deficit through actionable compromises. A combination of constitutional fidelity, inclusive dialogue, and equitable resource management—assisted by international support—could stabilize the federal system. Puntland’s buy-in is critical; addressing its demands while reinforcing shared national interests offers a viable path to cohesion. Without urgent, collaborative action, cyclical fragmentation or tendencies to break up will persist, undermining not only Somalia’s recovery, but eventually its very survival as a country.

The Strategy for Success: Key Steps to Defeat ISIS

TH E
DAILY
SOMALIA
Background of ISIS terrorist
groups.
The ISIS is a terrorist organization that has been officially designated as a global terrorist group.It originally emerged from
Al-Qaeda in Iraq(AQl)in 2004 before rebranding as the Islamic State of Iraq(Isl)in 2006. With the political uprising of Syria in 2011, the group expanded its operations and adopted the name the
islamic State of iraq and Syria (Isis).
ISIS quickly gained notorlety for its brutal tactics and extrome interpretation of Islamic law.By 2014,the group had seized
significant territory in Iraq and Syria,declaring a self-proclaimed
caliphate.This expansion led to a multinational military intervention aimed at combating the group’s influence and
territorial control.The ISIS’s rapid expansion and declaration of a caliphate in 2014 marked a significant turning point in the group’s history and global perception.This self-proclaimed, state, spanning parts of Iraq and Syria,attracted thousands of foreignfighters from around the world,further complicating the regional conflict.The group’s use of social media for propaganda and recruitment purposes demonstrated asophisticated understanding of modern communication tools,allowing them to
spread their ideology and attract supporters on a global scale.

Introduction
The continued presence of ISIS in Puntland poses a serious security threat to Somalia and East Africa. Although this group is smaller than Al-Shabaab in terms of manpower and territorial control, its technological capabilities,resilience in
combat, large number of foreign fighters,
strategic location in the mountains of the Bari region, and the ability to generate revenue through extortion and illegal businesses makes it a significant threat to regional stability and Somalia’s counterterrorism efforts.
The fight against ISIS in Cal-Miskaat, alongside the battles against Al-Shabaab in Gaimudug, Hirshabelle, Jubbaland, South West,and the Somali National Army is a just war that must not be met with neutrality. It is crucial for the government and the public,supporters, and opposition alike to unite to eradicate these
extremists.
The international community’s response to ISIS was multifaceted, involving military interventions,economic sanctions,and efforts to counter the group’s online presence.Coalition airstrikes,combined with ground operations by local forces,gradually eroded ISIS’s territorial control.However,the group’s ideology and decentralized structure has allowed it to persist,evolving into a more traditional
insurgency and continuing to inspire lone-wolf attacks in various
parts of the world.
How did ISIS Arrive in Somalia?
In early 2015,the ISIS attempted to establish a foothold in the Horn of Africa,particularly in Somalia.The group
sought to recruit young fighters and defectors from Al-Shabaab to gain support.Puntland,specifically the
Cal-Miskaat mountains became a key hideout for ISIS fighters,as they engaged in conflict with the Puntland
government and security forces.
Global intelligence sources have identified that ISIS
follows a five-pronged military strategy:
1. Open attacks and direct combat
2.Suicide bombings
3. Propaganda and ideological warfare
4. Espionage and intelligence gathering
5. Guerrilla warfare (ambush tactics)

By ABDULLAAHI ISSE MOHAMED (RUBAANI)
Executive Director at Somali Policy
and Development Centre

PUNTLAND STATE, FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF SOMALIA AND THE FIGHT AGAINST ISIS AND AL-SHABAB- A GENERAL UNDERSTANDING

The situation in Puntland, where its forces are combating ISIS-Somalia and Al-Shabab with support from the UAE, Ethiopia, and the USA—but without backing from Somalia’s Federal Government (FGS) and African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM)—reflects complex geopolitical, security, and intra-Somali tensions. Here’s a structured assessment:

Key Actors and Motivations

  1. Puntland State:
    • Security Autonomy: As an autonomous region since 1998, Puntland has long prioritized self-reliance in security, particularly against ISIS in the Cal Miskaat Mountains and Al-Shabab incursions.
    • Political Tensions with Mogadishu: Strained relations with the FGS over resource-sharing, federalism, and political representation drive Puntland to seek external allies.
  2. Federal Government of Somalia (FGS):
    • Centralization vs. Federalism: Mogadishu views Puntland’s independent alliances as undermining its authority and fears setting precedents for other regions.
    • Geopolitical Alignments: The FGS leans on Turkey and Qatar (rivals of the UAE and Ethiopia), complicating its willingness to endorse Puntland’s partnerships.
  3. External Supporters (UAE, Ethiopia, USA):
    • UAE: Seeks strategic influence via Bosaso port and counters Islamist threats; part of broader Gulf competition with Qatar/Turkey.
    • Ethiopia: Aims to prevent spillover of extremism into its territory and secure economic interests (e.g., port access).
    • USA: Focuses on counterterrorism, targeting ISIS-Somalia to prevent global threats.
  4. Critics in Mogadishu:
    • Sovereignty Concerns: Argue that foreign intervention erodes Somali sovereignty and entrenches regional fragmentation.
    • Proxy War Fears: Suspect UAE/Ethiopian support emboldens Puntland’s autonomy, risking prolonged federal-regional strife.

Security Dynamics

  • ISIS-Somalia vs. Al-Shabab: While Al-Shabab remains the dominant extremist group in Somalia, ISIS’s foothold in Puntland (since 2015) poses a localized threat. The Cal Miskaat Mountains provide strategic terrain for insurgent activities.
  • Counterterrorism Efficacy: External support has likely enhanced Puntland’s operational capacity, but questions remain about long-term sustainability without FGS coordination.

Political Implications

  • Federal-Regional Rift: Mogadishu’s absence of support exacerbates distrust, potentially encouraging other federal states (e.g., Jubaland) to seek external patrons, weakening central governance.
  • Proxy Competition: The UAE/Ethiopia vs. Turkey/Qatar rivalry risks turning Somalia into a theater for regional power struggles, diverting focus from unified counterterrorism.

International Media and Diplomacy

  • Western Coverage: Highlights Puntland’s anti-ISIS efforts, framing it as a frontline in global counterterrorism. This visibility may pressure the FGS to engage but could also deepen its resentment.
  • Diplomatic Strains: The FGS’s criticism of UAE/Ethiopia reflects broader discomfort with non-aligned foreign interventions, complicating international mediation efforts.

Risks and Opportunities

  • Risks:
    • Fragmentation: Parallel security structures in Puntland could inspire secessionist sentiments or weaken federal cohesion.
    • Proxy Escalation: Gulf and Horn rivalries may prioritize strategic interests over Somali stability.
  • Opportunities:
    • Local Stability: Degrading ISIS in Puntland could improve regional security, allowing economic development (e.g., UAE-funded infrastructure).
    • Model for Collaboration: If mediated, Puntland’s efforts could inspire federal-regional counterterrorism partnerships.

Conclusion

The Puntland-FGS divide underscores Somalia’s fragile balance between federalism and centralization, exacerbated by external actors pursuing competing interests. While foreign support bolsters Puntland’s counterterrorism capacity, it risks deepening Somalia’s political fractures and entangling the country in regional power struggles. A sustainable solution requires dialogue between Puntland and Mogadishu, aligned international support, and a unified strategy against extremism that addresses root causes like governance gaps and clan grievances. Without this, Somalia risks further fragmentation, benefiting only extremist groups and external powers.

UNDERSTAND WHY THE ARABS ARE NOW CONDEMNING KING ABDALLAH OF JORDAN

Some Arab political pundits have criticized King Abdullah II of Jordan for meeting with President Donald Trump and endorsing his policy proposal on Gaza and the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict for several reasons. These criticisms often stem from political, ideological, and regional perspectives, as well as concerns about the implications of Trump’s policies for the Palestinian cause and Arab unity. Below are the key reasons for such condemnation:


1. Perceived Alignment with U.S. Policies Unfavorable to Palestinians

  • Trump’s Pro-Israel Stance: President Trump’s administration was widely seen as heavily biased in favor of Israel, exemplified by decisions such as recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, moving the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, and endorsing Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights. These actions were viewed as undermining Palestinian claims to East Jerusalem and the two-state solution.
  • The “Deal of the Century”: Trump’s Middle East peace plan, often referred to as the “Deal of the Century,” was criticized for favoring Israeli interests at the expense of Palestinian rights. Many Arab pundits saw King Abdullah’s engagement with Trump as tacit approval of a plan that they believe marginalizes Palestinian aspirations for statehood and self-determination.

2. Erosion of Jordan’s Historical Role as a Defender of Palestinian Rights

  • Jordan’s Unique Position: Jordan has historically positioned itself as a key advocate for Palestinian rights, partly due to its large Palestinian population and its custodianship of Islamic holy sites in Jerusalem. Critics argue that meeting with Trump and appearing to support his policies undermines Jordan’s moral and political standing as a defender of the Palestinian cause.
  • Perceived Betrayal: Some pundits view King Abdullah’s engagement with Trump as a betrayal of Jordan’s historical commitment to the Palestinian struggle, particularly at a time when the Palestinian leadership rejected Trump’s proposals outright.

3. Regional and Domestic Political Pressures

  • Arab Public Opinion: Across the Arab world, there is widespread sympathy for the Palestinian cause, and Trump’s policies are deeply unpopular. By meeting with Trump, King Abdullah risks alienating not only Palestinians but also broader Arab public opinion, which sees the U.S. approach as unjust and one-sided.
  • Domestic Concerns: Jordan has a significant Palestinian population, and any perceived shift away from supporting Palestinian rights could provoke domestic unrest or criticism from political factions within Jordan.

4. Concerns About Normalization with Israel

  • Normalization of Israeli Occupation: Trump’s policies, particularly those related to Gaza and the West Bank, are seen as attempts to normalize Israeli occupation and annexation of Palestinian territories. Critics argue that King Abdullah’s engagement with Trump could be interpreted as endorsing this normalization, which contradicts the Arab consensus on the need for a just and comprehensive solution to the conflict.
  • Impact on Arab Unity: Some pundits fear that Jordan’s actions could encourage other Arab states to follow suit, further fragmenting the Arab position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and weakening collective bargaining power.

5. Lack of Palestinian Inclusion in the Process

  • Marginalization of Palestinian Voices: Trump’s policies were crafted without meaningful consultation with Palestinian leaders, leading to accusations that the U.S. was imposing a solution rather than facilitating a negotiated settlement. Critics argue that King Abdullah’s engagement with Trump legitimizes a process that excludes and disempowers Palestinians.
  • Undermining the Palestinian Authority: By engaging with Trump, King Abdullah risks undermining the Palestinian Authority’s position and weakening its ability to negotiate on behalf of the Palestinian people.

6. Geopolitical Implications for Jordan

  • Balancing Act: Jordan walks a fine line between maintaining its strategic relationship with the U.S. and upholding its commitment to the Palestinian cause. Critics argue that King Abdullah’s meeting with Trump prioritizes U.S. ties over regional solidarity, potentially isolating Jordan within the Arab world.
  • Regional Rivalries: Some pundits suggest that Jordan’s actions could be seen as aligning with U.S. and Israeli interests at the expense of broader Arab and Islamic solidarity, particularly in the context of regional rivalries involving countries like Iran and Turkey.

Conclusion

The condemnation of King Abdullah II by some Arab political pundits reflects broader concerns about the direction of U.S. policy under President Trump and its implications for the Palestinian cause. Critics view Jordan’s engagement with Trump as undermining its historical role as a defender of Palestinian rights, legitimizing a one-sided peace process, and risking regional and domestic backlash. While Jordan may have sought to balance its strategic interests with its commitment to the Palestinian cause, the perception of alignment with unpopular U.S. policies has fueled criticism and skepticism among Arab commentators.

Ultimately, the controversy highlights the complex geopolitical dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the challenges faced by Arab leaders in navigating competing pressures from domestic, regional, and international actors.

Book Review: “Confessions of a British Spy and British Enmity Against Islam”

By M. SIDDIK GUMUS

WDM Book Review: “Confessions of a British Spy and Enmity Against Islam

Introduction
Confessions of a British Spy and British Enmity Against Islam” presents a strategic manual allegedly authored by a British spy during the colonial era, outlining methods to exploit perceived weaknesses in Muslim societies and dismantle their sources of strength. The text is accompanied by rebuttals that defend Islamic principles and Ottoman achievements, reflecting a clash between colonial subterfuge and cultural resilience. This review examines the book’s claims, the counterarguments provided, and their historical and ideological contexts.


Summary of the Book’s Claims
The original text identifies 13 weak spots within Muslim societies:

  1. Internal Divisions: Sectarian (Sunni-Shia), political (ruler vs. people), and tribal conflicts.
  2. Ignorance and Illiteracy: Alleged widespread lack of education.
  3. Spiritual and Moral Decay: Neglect of knowledge and conscience.
  4. Otherworldly Focus: Disengagement from worldly progress.
  5. Tyrannical Rulers: Emperors depicted as oppressive.
    6–13. Infrastructure and Governance Failures: Unsafe roads, poor public health, economic collapse, weak military, and environmental neglect.

The book then lists 23 power sources of Muslims, including unity under Islam, adherence to religious practices (prayer, jihad, charity), strong community bonds, and reverence for scholars and the Qur’an. To undermine these, it recommends fostering division, obstructing education, promoting asceticism, and manipulating rulers.


Rebuttals and Counterarguments
The rebuttals, likely from a defender of Ottoman and Islamic heritage, systematically refute the claims:

  • Internal Unity: The Ottoman system prioritized scholars, as seen in Sultan Mahmud II’s refusal to execute Mawlana Khalid Baghdadi, stating, “Scholars would by no means be harmful to the State.”
  • Education and Literacy: Ottoman villages had mosques and schools; even peasants were literate in faith and crafts.
  • Balance of Worldly and Spiritual: Citing the Prophet’s hadith, “Work for the world as though you’ll never die, and for the Hereafter as if you’ll die tomorrow,” the rebuttal emphasizes Islam’s holistic ethos.
  • Infrastructure and Governance: Ottoman roads were safe for pilgrims, hospitals like those that treated Napoleon existed, and cities like Delhi under Firuz Shah boasted advanced irrigation systems.
  • Military Strength: Historical examples, such as Bayezid I’s victory at Nicopolis (1396), challenge the claim of weak armies.

The rebuttal also counters strategies to erode Muslim strengths, arguing that Islamic teachings inherently promote unity, education, and ethical governance, making external subversion difficult.


Analysis
The original text reflects colonial tactics of division and cultural erosion, exploiting perceived vulnerabilities. However, the rebuttal’s reliance on Ottoman achievements risks idealizing the past. For instance, while Ottoman infrastructure was advanced for its time, later decline is overlooked. Similarly, the defense of caliphs as just rulers contrasts with historical complexities of power struggles.

The spy’s advice to promote asceticism (e.g., via Ghazali’s Ihya Ulum al-Din) is astutely countered by distinguishing zuhd (detachment from materialism) from neglect of worldly duties. The rebuttal’s emphasis on Islamic balance—education, hygiene, and governance—highlights a nuanced understanding often absent in colonial narratives.


Conclusion
“Confessions of a British Spy and British Enmity Against Islam” offers a stark lens into colonial strategies to destabilize Muslim societies by amplifying divisions and undermining cultural pillars. The rebuttals, rooted in Ottoman history and Islamic theology, reveal a resilient identity that resisted such tactics through communal cohesion and institutional strength. While the text serves as a historical artifact of imperial manipulation, the counterarguments underscore the enduring relevance of unity and ethical governance in facing external challenges. This dialogue between subversion and resilience remains pertinent in contemporary discourses on cultural identity and colonialism.

Rating: ★★★★☆ (A compelling historical document with rich counterpoints, though requiring critical engagement with both perspectives.)


This review synthesizes the text’s dual narratives, contextualizing them within broader historical and ideological struggles, and invites reflection on the interplay between external domination and cultural preservation.

PAYPAL MAFIA

Russian Federalism and the Rehabilitation of the Empire — Russia in Global Affairs

https://eng.globalaffairs.ru/articles/russian-federalism-miller/

White Paper: Puntland State’s Strategic Options for Preserving Stability and Autonomy within the Somali Union

Executive Summary
The Puntland State of Somalia has long been a cornerstone of stability and governance in northeastern Somalia, playing a critical role in countering violent extremist groups such as ISIS and Al-Shabab. However, the lack of meaningful support from the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has exacerbated longstanding grievances, including concerns over constitutional adherence, economic marginalization, and disproportionate policies affecting Puntland’s residents. These challenges have reignited debates about Puntland’s future within the Somali Federation, particularly in light of Somaliland’s unilateral declaration of independence in 1991.

This white paper explores three strategic options for Puntland to address these challenges while preserving stability and autonomy: (1) convening a National Congress for Constitutional Reforms, (2) transitioning to a Confederation Model, and (3) pursuing a Declaration of Independence. Each option is analyzed for feasibility, challenges, and steps forward, with recommendations for prioritizing dialogue, engaging international mediators, and addressing security collaboratively. The paper concludes that while independence remains a last resort, incremental steps toward confederalism or constitutional reform could preserve Somali unity while addressing governance grievances.

Introduction
Puntland State has been a stabilizing force in Somalia for decades, contributing significantly to governance reconstruction and countering violent extremism. Despite these efforts, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has failed to provide adequate support, leading to growing discontent over issues such as constitutional violations, economic marginalization, and inequitable policies. These tensions have prompted a reevaluation of Puntland’s role within the Somali Federation.

This white paper examines three potential pathways for Puntland to navigate its current challenges: constitutional reform, confederalism, and independence. Each option is assessed for its feasibility, potential challenges, and actionable steps, with the aim of providing a roadmap for Puntland’s leadership and stakeholders.

Option 1: National Congress for Constitutional Reforms
Feasibility and Challenges
Consensus-Building: A National Congress could foster dialogue between Puntland and the FGS, but success depends on Mogadishu’s willingness to engage. Historical precedents, such as the 2000 Arta Conference, highlight the difficulties of overcoming clan rivalries and centralization tendencies.

Legal Framework: The 2012 Provisional Constitution provides a foundation for reform, but amendments require broad political buy-in from federal states and Mogadishu.

International Support: Mediation by regional bodies like the African Union (AU) or the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), as well as involvement from civil society and traditional leaders, could lend legitimacy to the process.

Steps Forward
Coalition-Building: Partner with other federal states, such as Jubaland and Galmudug, to form a united front advocating for constitutional dialogue.

Preconditions: Secure guarantees for equitable representation and international oversight to ensure Mogadishu’s compliance.

Phased Approach: Prioritize urgent issues like resource-sharing and security cooperation, while deferring contentious topics such as electoral models to later stages.

Option 2: Confederation Model
Feasibility and Challenges
Autonomy vs. Unity: A confederation would grant Puntland greater sovereignty, including independent security forces and fiscal control, while maintaining nominal Somali unity. However, Mogadishu is likely to resist ceding power.

Regional Dynamics: Neighboring states like Ethiopia and Kenya may oppose a confederation if it destabilizes Somalia, though some might tacitly support it to counter Al-Shabab.

Constitutional Hurdles: Transitioning from federalism to confederalism would require redefining the social contract, potentially through a referendum or inter-state treaty.

Steps Forward
Draft a Framework: Propose a confederal constitution outlining shared competencies (e.g., foreign policy, currency) and state-level powers (e.g., taxation, security).

Lobby Internationally: Highlight the confederation as a stability measure to international donors like the EU and UAE, emphasizing parallels with decentralized models such as the UAE’s federalism.

Pilot Cooperation: Initiate cross-state projects, such as joint counterterrorism operations and trade agreements, to demonstrate the benefits of confederalism.

Option 3: Declaration of Independence
Feasibility and Challenges
Legal and Diplomatic Barriers: Under international law, secession is rarely recognized without central government consent. Puntland would face significant challenges in gaining recognition, similar to Somaliland’s unresolved status.

Security Risks: Mogadishu could retaliate militarily, exacerbating conflict and providing opportunities for Al-Shabab to expand its territory.

Economic Implications: Loss of access to Somali financial systems and international aid (via Mogadishu) could cripple Puntland’s economy unless alternative partnerships are secured.

Steps Forward
Preparatory Measures: Strengthen governance institutions, diversify revenue streams (e.g., port fees, diaspora bonds), and seek bilateral aid from countries like the UAE and Ethiopia.

Regional Diplomacy: Court neighboring states for recognition, framing independence as a stabilization measure and leveraging Puntland’s role in countering extremism.

Gradual Unilateralism: Incrementally assert sovereignty (e.g., issuing visas, signing trade deals) while avoiding overt provocation until international backing is assured.

Recommendations
Prioritize Dialogue: Exhaust all avenues for constitutional reform and confederation before considering independence. A united front with other federal states increases leverage in negotiations with Mogadishu.

Engage International Mediators: Involve regional and international bodies such as IGAD, the AU, and key Somalia donors like Qatar and Turkey to pressure Mogadishu into meaningful negotiations.

Contingency Planning: Prepare discreetly for independence by building foreign alliances and securing revenue streams, while publicly advocating for reform.

Address Security Collaboratively: Propose a federal-state security pact with AU support (e.g., AUSSOM) to counter extremists, showcasing Puntland’s commitment to Somali stability.

Conclusion
Puntland’s strategic options—constitutional reform, confederalism, and independence—each present unique opportunities and challenges. While independence remains a last resort, incremental steps toward confederalism or constitutional overhaul could preserve Somali unity while addressing governance grievances. By prioritizing dialogue, engaging international mediators, and addressing security collaboratively, Puntland can navigate its current challenges and secure a stable and autonomous future within or alongside the Somali Federation.

This white paper serves as a foundation for informed decision-making by Puntland’s leadership, stakeholders, and international partners, ensuring that any path forward prioritizes stability, autonomy, and the well-being of all Somali people.

PUNTLAND STATE HAS TWO OPTIONS LEFT TO REMAIN IN THE SOMALI UNION

The defense of territorial sovereignty against foreign or extremist threats is a matter of utmost gravity. For years, the Puntland State of Somalia has borne the brunt of countering violent extremist groups, including ISIS and Al-Shabab, in the northeastern regions of Somalia. Despite these efforts, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has yet to provide meaningful support to Puntland’s forces in this critical struggle. This absence of collaboration exacerbates longstanding grievances, including concerns over the FGS’s adherence to the Provisional Federal Constitution, perceived economic marginalization, and policies disproportionately affecting Puntland’s residents.

These tensions unfold against the backdrop of Puntland’s decades-long contributions to stabilizing Somalia and rebuilding governance structures after state collapse. Documented evidence underscores the human and material sacrifices made by Puntland’s people and institutions. Recent developments on the frontlines, however, highlight a troubling pattern of federal disengagement. Many in Puntland perceive the current administration’s failure to fulfill constitutional obligations as a dereliction of duty—a serious charge that merits scrutiny by Somalia’s legislative and judicial bodies.

The cumulative effect of these challenges has reignited debates about Puntland’s future within the Somali Federation, particularly following Somaliland’s unilateral declaration of independence in 1991. While remaining in the union with Banadir remains a possibility, the lack of reciprocity in governance and security cooperation has led some to consider alternatives. Any decision will require careful analysis of constitutional, political, and socioeconomic implications to ensure stability for all Somali people. Here are possible options, feasibility and how to go about each one:

1. National Congress for Constitutional Reforms

Feasibility and Challenges:

  • Consensus-Building: A National Congress could foster dialogue, but success hinges on Mogadishu’s willingness to engage. Historical precedents (e.g., 2000 Arta Conference) show mixed results due to clan rivalries and centralization tendencies.
  • Legal Framework: The 2012 Provisional Constitution provides a basis for reform, but amendments require broad political buy-in, including from federal states and Mogadishu.
  • International Support: Mediation by regional bodies (AU, IGAD) or the UN could pressure stakeholders to participate. Civil society and traditional leaders might help legitimize the process.

Steps Forward:

  • Coalition-Building: Partner with other federal states (e.g., Jubaland, Galmudug) to form a united front demanding constitutional dialogue.
  • Preconditions: Secure guarantees for equitable representation and international oversight to ensure Mogadishu’s compliance.
  • Phased Approach: Prioritize urgent issues (resource-sharing, security cooperation) while deferring contentious topics (e.g., electoral models) to later stages.

2. Confederation Model

Feasibility and Challenges:

  • Autonomy vs. Unity: A confederation would grant Puntland greater sovereignty (e.g., independent security forces, fiscal control) while maintaining nominal Somali unity. However, Mogadishu is likely to resist ceding power.
  • Regional Dynamics: Neighboring states (Ethiopia, Kenya) might oppose a confederation if it destabilizes Somalia, though some could tacitly support it to counter Al-Shabab.
  • Constitutional Hurdles: Transitioning from federalism to confederalism requires redefining the social contract, potentially through a referendum or inter-state treaty.

Steps Forward:

  • Draft a Framework: Propose a confederal constitution outlining shared competencies (e.g., foreign policy, currency) and state-level powers (e.g., taxation, security).
  • Lobby Internationally: Highlight confederation as a stability measure to donors (EU, UAE) wary of state collapse. Emphasize parallels with decentralized models (e.g., UAE’s federalism).
  • Pilot Cooperation: Initiate cross-state projects (e.g., joint counterterrorism operations, trade agreements) to demonstrate confederal benefits.

3. Declaration of Independence

Feasibility and Challenges:

  • Legal and Diplomatic Barriers: Under international law, secession is rarely recognized without central government consent. Puntland would face an uphill battle for recognition, akin to Somaliland’s unresolved status.
  • Security Risks: Mogadishu could retaliate militarily, exacerbating conflict. Al-Shabab might exploit the chaos to expand territory.
  • Economic Implications: Loss of access to Somali financial systems and World Bank/IMF aid (via Mogadishu) could cripple Puntland’s economy unless alternative partnerships are secured.

Steps Forward:

  • Preparatory Measures: Strengthen governance institutions, diversify revenue (e.g., port fees, diaspora bonds), and seek bilateral aid (e.g., UAE, Ethiopia).
  • Regional Diplomacy: Court neighbors for recognition, framing independence as a stabilization measure. Leverage Puntland’s anti-extremism role.
  • Gradual Unilateralism: Incrementally assert sovereignty (e.g., issuing visas, signing trade deals) while avoiding overt provocation until international backing is assured.

Recommendations

  1. Prioritize Dialogue: Exhaust all avenues for constitutional reform and confederation before considering independence. A united front with other federal states increases leverage.
  2. Engage International Mediators: Involve IGAD, the AU, potentially Mogadishu allies like Qatar/Turkey (key Somalia donors) to pressure Mogadishu into negotiations.
  3. Contingency Planning: Prepare for independence discreetly (e.g., building foreign alliances, securing revenue streams) while publicly advocating for reform.
  4. Address Security Collaboratively: Propose a federal-state security pact with AU support (AUSSOM) to counter extremists, showcasing Puntland’s commitment to Somali stability.

Ultimately, Puntland’s path must balance pragmatic diplomacy with firm advocacy for autonomy. While independence remains a last resort, incremental steps toward confederalism or constitutional overhaul could preserve Somali unity while addressing governance grievances.

THE NEGATIVE IMPACTS OF FOREIGN AID TO SOMALIA, CAUSING MASSIVE CORRUPTION, SUPPRESSING LOCAL PRODUCTION AND PRODUCTIVITIES

Think about the channels through which aid is delivered. If it’s through corrupt officials, that’s one issue. If it’s through international organizations that don’t coordinate with local communities, that’s another. Different types of aid (humanitarian vs. development) might have different effects. For example, emergency aid during a famine vs. long-term development projects.

Foreign aid might distort local economies by inflating prices or creating parallel systems that bypass local governance. This can undermine existing structures. Also, the presence of foreign agencies might create a power imbalance, where decisions are made externally rather than by Somalis.

In terms of cultural heritage, maybe there’s a loss of traditional knowledge because aid projects promote modern techniques over traditional ones. Or education programs that don’t incorporate local languages or history, leading to cultural dilution.

For nomadic societies, aid that’s tied to specific locations (like schools or clinics) might force nomads to resettle to access services, disrupting their way of life. Alternatively, land designated for aid projects (like farming) could encroach on traditional grazing lands, leading to conflicts.

In historical context, Somalia’s long period of conflict and lack of strong central government makes it more vulnerable to these issues. Foreign aid in such a context might be more prone to corruption and less effective in fostering sustainable development.

Potential sources: Maybe the UN reports, academic articles on aid effectiveness in Somalia, case studies from NGOs operating there. Also, looking into critiques of humanitarian aid in fragile states.

To say that all foreign aid leads to corruption isn’t accurate, but there are documented cases where it has contributed to it in Somalia. Similarly, not all aid suppresses production, but certain types might.

In conclusion, corruption, suppressed production, cultural erosion, nomadic displacement—has specific mechanisms through which foreign aid could negatively impact Somalia.

The negative impacts of foreign aid in Somalia are multifaceted, affecting governance, economy, culture, and social structures. Here’s a structured analysis of the key issues:

1. Massive Corruption

  • Mechanism: Foreign aid often flows through unstable or weak governance structures, enabling embezzlement and diversion of resources. Somalia’s lack of centralized authority exacerbates this, with aid sometimes captured by elites or warlords.
  • Examples:
    • The 2011 famine saw reports of aid being diverted by armed groups, as documented by the UN Monitoring Group.
    • Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index consistently ranks Somalia among the most corrupt nations, partly due to mismanaged aid.
  • Impact: Dependency on aid undermines institution-building, as local governments lack incentives to develop transparent systems.

2. Suppression of Local Production

  • Mechanism: In-kind food aid can undercut local markets. Free distributions discourage agricultural investment, as seen when imported grains depress prices for Somali farmers.
  • Examples:
    • A 2013 study by the Somali Agriculture Technical Group found that prolonged food aid weakened pastoralist livelihoods, reducing resilience to droughts.
    • USAID’s “monetized aid” (selling donated food to fund projects) has been criticized for distorting local markets.
  • Impact: Long-term dependency replaces self-sufficiency, stifling sectors like agriculture and pastoralism.

3. Erosion of Cultural Heritage

  • Mechanism: Aid programs may impose external values or practices, marginalizing traditional systems. Infrastructure projects sometimes disregard cultural sites or communal land rights.
  • Examples:
    • NGOs have been accused of sidelining traditional elders in decision-making, as noted in a 2017 Rift Valley Institute report.
    • Urbanization driven by aid hubs erodes nomadic traditions, with younger generations adopting sedentary lifestyles.
  • Impact: Loss of indigenous knowledge and social cohesion, as external models replace community-led practices.

4. Uprooting Nomadic Society

  • Mechanism: Fixed aid infrastructure (e.g., clinics, schools) incentivizes settlement, disrupting migratory patterns. Land grabs for agriculture projects encroach on grazing lands.
  • Examples:
    • The establishment of IDP (Internally Displaced Persons) camps has drawn pastoralists to urban areas, fragmenting kinship networks (per a 2020 ODI report).
    • The Jubaland irrigation initiative, funded by foreign donors, displaced nomadic communities, sparking conflicts over resources.
  • Impact: Nomadic identity and adaptive strategies (e.g., seasonal migration) are eroded, increasing vulnerability to climate shocks.

Conclusion

While foreign aid is critical in crises, its design and delivery in Somalia often exacerbate systemic issues. Addressing these challenges requires community-led approaches, anti-corruption safeguards, and aid models that prioritize local production and cultural preservation. For instance, cash-based interventions (e.g., the Somali Cash Consortium) have shown promise in reducing market distortions while empowering recipients. Balancing immediate relief with long-term resilience remains key to mitigating negative impacts.