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Summary of Cassanelli’s Article:”The Partition of the Horn and of Western Knowledge

Cassanelli argues that the Scramble for Africa not only politically divided the Somali peninsula into five territories but also led to an intellectual partition in Western scholarship on the region. Each colonial power (Britain, Italy, France) produced knowledge about “their” Somali subjects within separate linguistic and academic traditions, creating fragmented colonial identities.
Before European colonization, knowledge about Somalis was more cosmopolitan, with travellers from various European nations contributing to a shared (though sometimes flawed) understanding of Somalis as a unified people. However, under colonial rule, research became siloed—British, Italian, and French scholars rarely engaged with each other’s work, leading to disconnected national scholarly traditions.
Though modern Somali Studies has revived multinational collaboration, legacies of colonial-era fragmentation persist, such as limited cross-cultural citation between scholars in different language traditions. This intellectual division had lasting consequences, as colonial researchers relied on biased administrative reports and ethnographies, shaping enduring but uneven interpretations of Somali society.
Key Points:
• Political & Intellectual Partition: Colonial borders created separate scholarly traditions.
• Pre-Colonial Cosmopolitanism: Early travellers (German, French, British, etc.) shared knowledge across nations.
Colonial Fragmentation: Researchers worked in isolation, reinforcing national biases.
• Modern Legacy: Somali Studies remains influenced by these colonial divisions.
Cassanelli highlights how knowledge production mirrored political domination, with lasting effects on academic and cultural perceptions of Somalis.

White Paper: Critical Analysis of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s Call for National Consultations

Executive Summary

The recent call by Federal President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud for national consultations has been met with skepticism and opposition from key stakeholders, including Federal Member States (FMS) and constitutional experts. This white paper examines the shortcomings of the president’s initiative, highlighting his failure to acknowledge past governance failures, his exclusion of FMS leaders, and his disregard for constitutional violations that undermine his legitimacy. The paper argues that without a genuine commitment to inclusive dialogue, accountability, and adherence to the Provisional Federal Constitution (PFC), any national consultation process will lack credibility and fail to address Somalia’s deepening political crisis.

Background

Somalia’s fragile federal structure has been strained by persistent political tensions between the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and Federal Member States. President Mohamud’s administration has faced accusations of centralizing power, violating the PFC, and marginalizing regional leaders. His sudden call for national consultations—without prior coordination with FMS leaders or a clear agenda—has further eroded trust in his leadership.

Key Issues with the President’s Call for Consultations

1. Lack of Accountability and Failure to Acknowledge Past Mistakes

President Mohamud’s unilateral announcement did not address the governance failures that have exacerbated Somalia’s political instability. His administration has been accused of:

  • Undermining federalism by interfering in state elections and disregarding the autonomy of FMS.
  • Violating the PFC through unilateral decisions that bypass the constitutional mandate for power-sharing.
  • Failing to secure national cohesion, as evidenced by ongoing conflicts with Puntland and other regions.

Without acknowledging these failures, the call for consultations appears disingenuous and designed to consolidate power rather than foster genuine reconciliation.

2. Exclusion of Federal Member States

The president’s approach ignores the fundamental principle of inclusive dialogue. Key FMS leaders were not consulted prior to the announcement, reinforcing perceptions that Mogadishu seeks to impose decisions rather than negotiate them. States such as Puntland and Jubaland have previously rejected the FGS’s legitimacy due to constitutional violations, and this latest move further alienates them.

3. No Clear Agenda or Justification

The proposed consultations lack:

  • defined agenda addressing critical issues such as constitutional review, federalism, and electoral reforms.
  • transparent framework for participation, raising concerns about manipulation.
  • An explanation of why the consultations are necessary now, particularly given the FGS’s history of ignoring previous agreements.

4. Premature Endorsement by Mogadishu-Based Opposition

Certain opposition figures in Mogadishu have welcomed the president’s call without scrutiny, disregarding its lack of substance. This suggests political opportunism rather than a principled commitment to national dialogue.

Recommendations

For any national consultation process to be credible, the following steps must be taken:

  1. Public Acknowledgment of Constitutional Violations
    • President Mohamud must formally recognize and apologize for past breaches of the PFC.
    • A commitment to restoring federalism in line with the constitution should be declared.
  2. Inclusive Participation of All Stakeholders
    • FMS leaders, civil society, and opposition groups must be equally involved in setting the agenda.
    • A neutral facilitation mechanism (e.g., mediated by international partners) should be established to ensure fairness.
  3. Clear Roadmap with Binding Outcomes
    • The consultations must produce actionable agreements on constitutional amendments, resource-sharing, and electoral reforms.
    • Any outcomes should be legally binding to prevent future violations.
  4. International Oversight
    • The African Union, UN, and IGAD should monitor the process to ensure compliance with Somalia’s federal framework.

Conclusion

President Mohamud’s call for national consultations, in its current form, is an insufficient and exclusionary gesture that risks deepening Somalia’s political divisions. Without accountability, inclusivity, and a concrete agenda, the initiative will fail to achieve meaningful reconciliation. The Federal Government must first demonstrate a genuine commitment to constitutionalism and power-sharing before any credible dialogue can take place.

Next Steps

  • Federal Member States should demand a revised framework for consultations.
  • The international community should condition support on adherence to inclusive and constitutional processes.
  • Somali political stakeholders must reject superficial dialogue and insist on substantive reforms.

Final Remarks

Somalia stands at a critical juncture where political missteps could further destabilize the nation. President Mohamud’s administration must move beyond rhetoric and take tangible steps toward inclusive governance. The credibility of any national dialogue hinges on transparency, accountability, and respect for Somalia’s federal structure. Failure to address these concerns will only prolong the country’s political paralysis and undermine its path to stability.


Issued by: WDM
Date: March 30, 2035
Contact: iwarsame@ismailwarsame.blog @ismailwarsame


End of Document

This white paper serves as a critical assessment of the current political dynamics in Somalia and urges corrective measures to prevent further instability. It is intended for policymakers, regional stakeholders, and international partners invested in Somalia’s democratic future.

Premature endorsement of President Mohamud’s call for national consultations by Mogadishu-Based opposition figures.

HOW TO UNDERSTAND THE CURRENT STATE OF THE SOMALI AFFAIRS

The deteriorating state of Somalia’s sovereignty and the unchecked interference of foreign powers like the UAE can not be fully understood without examining the failures of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration. Since his re-election in 2022, Mohamud has pursued divisive policies that have weakened national unity, undermined constitutional governance, and created a vacuum exploited by external actors.
1. Violation of the Somali Constitution & Centralization of Power
• Unilateral Decision-Making: Mohamud has repeatedly bypassed parliamentary oversight and ignored the federal structure, concentrating power in the presidency.
• Erosion of Federalism: Instead of fostering cooperation with Federal Member States (FMS), his government has engaged in political coercion, withholding resources and recognition to pressure regional leaders into submission
• Undermining the Provisional Constitution: The president’s refusal to implement key constitutional provisions—particularly on power-sharing and state formation—has fueled instability and given regional leaders justification to seek foreign patrons like the UAE.
2. Sabotaging National Reconciliation
• Exclusionary Politics: Rather than pursuing inclusive dialogue, Mohamud has marginalized opposition voices, including political factions, clan leaders, and civil society.
• Politicization of Security: The fight against Al-Shabaab has been used as a tool to sideline rivals rather than unify the country, leading to fragmented military operations and reliance on foreign-backed militias.
• Failure to Resolve Somaliland and Puntland Dispute: Instead of engaging in meaningful talks with Puntland, Jubaland, and Somaliland, his administration has alternated between verbal provocations, military threats and neglect, pushing parts of the country further into the Ethiopia and UAE’s orbits.
3. Transactional Foreign Policy & Surrendering Sovereignty
• Dependence on Turkey & Qatar: While resisting UAE and Ethiopian influence, Mohamud has over-relied Turkey for military and political support, creating a new form of dependency
• The Turkey-Somalia defence pact (2024), which grants Ankara maritime security control, was negotiated without broad consensus, raising concerns about sovereignty.
• Neglecting Somali Stakeholders: Key decisions on foreign engagements (ports, bases, security, and petroleum deals) are made without consulting Federal Member States, deepening distrust.
• Opportunistic Shifts: His government’s sudden policy reversals—such as expelling UAE officials in 2018 (under Farmajo), then seeking UAE mediation later—show a lack of strategic consistency.
4. Consequences: A Divided Somalia Vulnerable to Foreign Exploitation
• Empowering Regional Warlords: By alienating Federal Member States, Mohamud has pushed leaders like Puntland’s Said Deni and Jubaland’s Ahmed Madobe to seek UAE support, further fracturing Somalia.
• Loss of Territorial Control: The federal government’s weakened legitimacy has allowed Somaliland, Puntland, and Jubaland to strengthen their autonomy with foreign backing.
• Foreign Military Entrenchment: The UAE, Turkey, and Ethiopia have all expanded their military presence in Somalia, turning the country into a proxy battleground.
Conclusion: A Leadership Crisis Fueling Foreign Interference
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s authoritarian tendencies, rejection of inclusive governance, and short-term transactional diplomacy have exacerbated Somalia’s vulnerability to foreign manipulation. His failure to uphold the constitution, reconcile with Federal Member States, and pursue a cohesive national strategy has:
• Pushed regional leaders into the arms of the UAE and others.
• Made Somalia a playground for competing foreign powers.
• Diminished prospects for lasting peace and sovereignty.
Until Somalia’s leadership returns to genuine power-sharing, constitutional rule, and independent foreign policy, the country will remain at the mercy of external forces—with the UAE’s expanding influence being just one symptom of a deeper governance crisis. However,  no one now believes that President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is capable of fixing this policy quagmire of his own making. In other words, he is done politically and can not be redeemed.

[End of Ramadan. Eid Mubarak!]

Re-Elect Ahmed Hussen – A Champion for York South–Weston and Canada

Leadership, Advocacy, and Results in Public Service


Introduction
Dear Neighbours,
Canada stands at a crossroads, facing complex challenges—economic pressures, housing shortages, global uncertainties, and the need for strong, compassionate leadership. In these times, Ahmed Hussen has proven himself as a dedicated advocate for York South–Weston, delivering real results in immigration, housing, family affairs, and civil service.
This booklet highlights Minister Hussen’s contributions to our community and Canada, showcasing why his leadership is vital for our future.
Section 1: Leadership in Immigration & Inclusion
Ahmed Hussen, Canada’s first Somali-born Cabinet Minister, has been a transformative leader in immigration, shaping policies that strengthen Canada’s diversity and economic growth.
Key Achievements:
✅ Historic Immigration Levels: As Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship (2017–2019), Hussen oversaw the most ambitious immigration plan in Canadian history, welcoming over 300,000 newcomers annually to address labour shortages and boost the economy.
✅ Faster Processing & Family Reunification: Reduced backlogs, improved processing times, and prioritized family reunification, helping thousands of families settle in Canada.
✅ Support for Refugees: Strengthened Canada’s global reputation by welcoming Syrian refugees and advocating for humane asylum policies.
✅ Fighting Discrimination: Worked to eliminate systemic barriers in immigration, ensuring fairness for all applicants.
“Diversity is Canada’s strength. Our policies must reflect compassion and opportunity for all.” – Ahmed Hussen
Section 2: Delivering Affordable Housing
As Minister of Housing and Diversity and Inclusion (2021–2023), Hussen tackled Canada’s housing crisis with urgency.
Key Achievements:
 National Housing Strategy: Secured $72+ billion to build affordable homes, repair existing units, and combat homelessness.
 Rapid Housing Initiative: Fast-tracked 4,700+ new homes for vulnerable Canadians, including in York South–Weston.
 Support for Renters & Homebuyers: Expanded the First-Time Home Buyer Incentive and introduced protections for renters.
 Local Impact: Advocated for York South–Weston community housing projects, ensuring families have safe, affordable places to live.
“Housing is a human right. We’re working to ensure no Canadian is left behind.” – Ahmed Hussen
Section 3: Strengthening Families & Communities
Hussen has been a steadfast voice for families, youth, and social justice.
Key Contributions:
‍‍‍ Childcare & Family Support: Supported $10-a-day childcare, saving families thousands annually.
 Youth Empowerment: Expanded job training and mentorship programs for young Canadians.
⚖️ Social Justice Advocacy: Fought against systemic racism and promoted inclusive policies in government.
Section 4: Economic Leadership & Standing Up for Canada
Hussen understands that a strong economy means protecting workers, businesses, and Canadian interests.
Key Actions:
 Job Creation: Supported small businesses and workers in York South–Weston through pandemic recovery.
 Trade & Diplomacy: Stood firm against unfair trade practices, defending Canadian industries.
️ National Security: Advocated for policies that protect Canada from global economic instability.
“We need leaders who deliver real solutions—not just talk.”
Why York South–Weston Needs Ahmed Hussen
✅ Proven track record in delivering for our community.
✅ Strong voice in Ottawa fighting for housing, jobs, and families.
✅ Trusted leadership during challenging times.
With respected figures like Mark Carney supporting Canada’s economic future, we need Ahmed Hussen’s experience to ensure York South–Weston isn’t left behind.
Conclusion: Let’s Keep Moving Forward
Ahmed Hussen has been our champion—on immigration, housing, family support, and economic security. On election day, let’s send him back to Ottawa to keep delivering for York South–Weston.
Vote Ahmed Hussen – For a Stronger, More Resilient Future.
Sincerely,
Team Hussen

 Re-elect Ahmed Hussen – Your Proven Champion for York South–Weston

 

Ahmed Hussen

Dear Neighbours,

As Canadians, we face unprecedented challenges—from economic pressures to protecting our national interests on the global stage. Now more than ever, we need strong, experienced leadership to stand up for our community and our country.
Ahmed Hussen has been a tireless advocate for York South–Weston, delivering real results on immigration, affordable housing, and family support. He listens to our concerns, fights for our values, and stands firm against threats to Canadian prosperity—including unfair trade practices and economic uncertainty.


With trusted leaders like Mark Carney stepping up to guide Canada forward, we must also ensure our local voice in Ottawa remains strong. Ahmed Hussen has proven he can deliver for our community, and we need him to continue this vital work.
Let’s keep York South–Weston moving forward. Vote Ahmed Hussen on election day and together, we’ll build a stronger, more resilient future.
Sincerely,
Ismail Warsame
Team Hussen

Canadian Mark Carney challenging Donald Trump trade wars.

UAE, ISRAEL, AND ARAB WORLD

The UAE’s policies, especially regarding Israel and regional geopolitics, differ significantly from those of other Arab countries. Here’s a comparison with key regional players:

1. UAE vs. Saudi Arabia: Strategic Partners but Competitors

Key Difference: The UAE is more flexible and pragmatic, while Saudi Arabia moves cautiously but is heading in a similar direction.

2. UAE vs. Qatar: Bitter Rivals with Opposite Strategies

Key Difference: The UAE is anti-Islamist and pro-Israel, while Qatar supports Islamists and engages with Israel cautiously.

3. UAE vs. Egypt: Close Allies, But Different Priorities

Key Difference: The UAE is more globally active, while Egypt focuses on internal stability and regional diplomacy.

4. UAE vs. Morocco: A More Subtle Approach

Key Difference: Morocco plays a more balanced diplomatic game, while the UAE is more assertive.

Final Takeaways: How the UAE Stands Out

Most pro-Israel: The UAE has gone further than any Arab country in normalizing and strengthening ties with Israel.

Most anti-Islamist: It takes the hardest stance against political Islam and the Muslim Brotherhood.

Most economically ambitious: The UAE is leveraging its Israel ties for technological and trade benefits.

More independent foreign policy: Unlike some Arab states that depend on the U.S., the UAE is diversifying with China, Russia, and others.

REF.: SITUATION REPORT (SITREP) – SOMALIA

Security Update & Strategic Forecast | 26 March 2025
Prepared by Warsame Digital Media (WDM)
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The security situation in Somalia remains critically volatile as of 26 March 2025, marked by Al-Shabaab’s territorial gains in Middle Shabelle, direct threats to Mogadishu’s security perimeters, and sustained U.S. airstrikes against ISIS in Puntland. Immediate risks include large-scale insurgent attacks in urban centersstrategic insurgent regrouping, and deepening humanitarian strain.
1. SITUATION OVERVIEW
Key Flashpoints
• Middle & Lower Shabelle: Al-Shabaab has seized Masajid Ali Guduud and Gelgub villages, exploiting tactical withdrawals by Somali forces.
• Puntland: U.S. airstrikes target ISIS in Al Miskaad Mountains, while Puntland forces engage militants amid rising foreign fighter presence.
• Bay & Bakool: Significant insurgent movements suggest resource mobilization and potential offensives.
Critical Developments
LocationEventImpactMasajidAli GuduudAl-Shabaab VBIED + RPG assault overran SNA/local militias (11+ KIA, POWs taken).High – Threatens Mogadishu’s northern flank.Gelgub Village Abandoned by Somali Special Forces (SSF), now under insurgent control.Moderate-High – Exposes weak defensive cohesion.Al Miskaad Mountains U.S. strikes hit ISIS positions; Puntland clashes ongoing.Moderate – Disrupts ISIS but risks retaliation.
2. STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS
Immediate Threats (Next 72H)
✔ High Risk:
• Mogadishu VBIED/assaults (Elasha Biyaha, Lafole at heightened risk).
• Al-Shabaab checkpoint expansion near city outskirts.
• Displacement surges straining humanitarian response.
✔ Moderate Risk:
• ISIS retaliatory strikes in Puntland.
• Government counteroffensive in Middle Shabelle (contingent on reinforcements).
Insurgent Tactical Shifts
• Asymmetric warfare escalation: Targeted assassinations, IEDs, urban infiltration.
• Strategic relocation to Bay & Bakool signals resource consolidation.
3. MILITARY & SECURITY RESPONSE
Ongoing Operations
• SNA/AUSSOM: Reinforcing Jannaale-Afgooye axis (Danab/Gorgor units deployed).
• U.S./Coalition: Sustained drone strikes (ISR focus) against ISIS & Al-Shabaab.
• Local Counter-IED: Priority on Mogadishu-Baidoa supply routes.
Recommended Actions
• Urgent: Secure Nur Dugle to prevent further Al-Shabaab advances.
• Intel Surge: HUMINT/SIGINT to track insurgent movements in Bay/Bakool.
• Cross-border coordination: Kenyan/Ethiopian forces to block militant flow.
4. ASSESSMENT & FORECAST (see item 4 below).

Projected Scenarios
• Most likely: Al-Shabaab presses toward Afgooye Corridor, testing SNA defenses.
• High-Impact/Low-Probability: Full insurgent assault on Mogadishu’s outskirts.
5. CONCLUSION
The Somali government and allies must prioritize:
• Rapid territorial recapture in Middle Shabelle.
• Urban counterterrorism ops to preempt Mogadishu attacks.
• Humanitarian corridor security to mitigate displacement crises.
Failure to act decisively risks ceding strategic momentum to insurgents.
// END REPORT //
Prepared by: WDM Senior Analyst (Mogadishu).

SITUATION REPORT (SITREP) SOMALIA

SECURITY UPDATE & STRATEGIC FORECAST

26 March 2025
Mogadishu, Middle Shabelle, Lower Shabelle, Al Miskaad Mountains

  1. SITUATION OVERVIEW

The security situation in Somalia as of 26 March 2025 is critically volatile, with significant Al- Shabaab territorial gains and intensified military engagements. Notably, Al-Shabaab has captured key strategic locations in Middle Shabelle, directly threatening Mogadishu’s security, while U.S. forces continue airstrikes targeting ISIS strongholds in Puntland’s Al Miskaad Mountains.

  1. KEY DEVELOPMENTS

2.1. Strategic Al-Shabaab Gains in Middle Shabelle

  • MasajidAli Guduud Village (26 March, approx. 0510 hrs)
    Al-Shabaab militants launched a coordinated attack from multiple directions,
    initiated by a Vehicle-Borne Improvised Explosive Device (VBIED) and sustained rocket-propelled grenade (B9) fire. Following intense combat against Warsangali Ma’awisley forces, Al-Shabaab successfully seized control of MasajidAli Guduud
    village and its surrounding areas. This engagement resulted in significant casualties and disrupted local security operations.
  • The loss resulted in substantial casualties among Somali National Army (SNA) and local militias, with at least 11 confirmed deaths, numerous injuries, and prisoners taken by
    insurgents.
  • Gelgub Village (25 March, approx. 2000 hrs):
    Al-Shabaab forces took control of Gelgub village without resistance after Somali Special Forces (SSF) from the Abgaal, Agon Yare community conducted a tactical withdrawal
    towards Nur Dugle village. The abandonment of the village highlights vulnerabilities in local security frameworks, potentially facilitating further Al-Shabaab advances.

2.2. Reinforcement and Tactical Movement

  • Following setbacks in Middle Shabelle, hundreds of Al-Shabaab fighters reportedly moved to Bay and Bakool regions, prompting concerns of regrouping and resource accumulation.
  • Increased insurgent activity in Area 7, highlighting potential strategic shifts in operational deployments and resource mobilization by Al-Shabaab.

2.3. ISIS Operations and U.S. Countermeasures in Al Miskaad Mountains

  • U.S. airstrikes on ISIS positions in Miiraale Valley targeted militant concentrations, aiming to disrupt their operations in the rugged Al Miskaad terrain.
  • Continuous engagements between Puntland forces and ISIS militants have led to
    multiple casualties, with an increased presence of foreign fighters raising operational threats.
  1. STRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS

3.1. Immediate Operational Risks

  • Elevated threat of large-scale attacks within Mogadishu, including VBIEDs and coordinated insurgent assaults.
  • Increased risk of insurgent infiltration in urban and semi-urban districts of Mogadishu due to compromised security corridors.

3.2. Projected Insurgent Tactics

  • Al-Shabaab likely to escalate asymmetric warfare tactics, focusing on targeted assassinations, sabotage, and urban terrorism.
  • Potential strategic shift indicated by insurgent relocations to Bay and Bakool regions, suggesting intensified resource and operational planning.

3.3 Possible Scenarios (Next 24-72 Hours)

Al-Shabaab consolidates territorial control in Middle Shabelle

High
Intensified insurgent attacks and increased difficulty for government forces to regain
control.

Federal forces launch coordinated
counteroffensive operations in Middle Shabelle

Moderate
Possible if rapid mobilization and strategic reinforcement occur from Mogadishu and nearby military bases.

Insurgent IED and suicide attacks escalate within Mogadishu
High
Increased threat to civilian populations and critical government infrastructure.

Al-Shabaab conducts targeted
assassinations against key figures
High
Destabilizes government command
structures and operational efficiency.

Displacement surge due to
heightened military engagements
High
Strains humanitarian resources, potentially increasing internal instability.

ISIS retaliatory strikes in Puntland
Moderate
Increased regional security burden and potential civilian casualties.

Clashes intensify in Bay and Bakool regions
High
Diversion of government military resources away from primary fronts.

Notes

VBIED attacks in Mogadishu
High
Severe

Insurgents maintain open access to logistical routes

Expansion of Al-Shabaab
checkpoints around Mogadishu outskirts

High

Already established presence near strategic suburbs

Effective government-led
counteroffensive in Middle
Shabelle

Moderate

Dependent on availability of forces from Jannaale and enhanced ISR capabilities

Targeted assassinations by Al- Shabaab
High

Aimed at undermining government morale and operational capacity

Increased humanitarian crisis from displacement

High

Compounding existing humanitarian crises in Mogadishu and surrounding areas

Retaliatory ISIS attacks in
Puntland
Moderate

Likely in response to ongoing U.S. airstrikes

Resource competition in Bay and Bakool leading to internal clashes
High

Driven by Al-Shabaab’s need for supplies and reinforcements

  1. MILITARY & SECURITY RESPONSE

4.1. Immediate Military Actions

  • Ongoing reinforcement and stabilization of key locations around Jannaale and Afgooye with elite units (Danab, Gorgor).
  • Rapid-response deployments in vulnerable suburbs like Elasha Biyaha and Lafole to counter insurgent penetration.
  • Sustained airstrikes and drone surveillance against both Al-Shabaab and ISIS strongholds to degrade militant capabilities.

4.2. Intelligence and Tactical Recommendations

  • Enhanced ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance, Reconnaissance) operations for real-time monitoring of insurgent activities and strategic repositioning.
  • Strengthened counter-IED operations along primary routes to mitigate insurgent threats.
  • Reinforce local intelligence networks to proactively disrupt insurgent planning and logistical operations.

4.3. Strategic Cooperation

  • Ongoing joint operations with U.S., Turkish, and UAE security partners, focusing on intelligence and air support.
  • Enhanced regional cooperation with Kenyan and Ethiopian forces to block insurgent movements across borders.
  1. ASSESSMENT & FORECAST

5.1. Immediate (26-28 March)

  • High likelihood of continued insurgent assaults, particularly around Mogadishu and Middle Shabelle.
  • Increased urgency for government and allied forces to stabilize lost territories and secure vulnerable infrastructures.
    5.2. Short-Term (29 March-2 April)
  • Persistent risk of insurgent regrouping and consolidation in Bay and Bakool, possibly leading to renewed offensives.
  • Anticipated rise in civilian displacement, exacerbating humanitarian challenges and further complicating security operations.
  1. CONCLUSION

The rapidly evolving security landscape requires swift and decisive military actions and enhanced coordination between Somali and international forces. The recapture of strategic locations, ongoing suppression of insurgent capabilities through airstrikes, and heightened vigilance in urban security are essential to reversing recent setbacks. Immediate and sustained security responses are crucial to regaining territorial integrity and ensuring long-term stability.

Prepared by
Senior Analyst within the foreign security industry based in Mogadishu [security leaks].
Confidential

Religion vs. God: Understanding the Difference

Introduction

It is the end of the blessed month of Ramadan, and we feel to sort out a few things that confuse worshippers. In discussions about faith and spirituality, the terms religion and God (Allah) are often used interchangeably, leading to confusion. However, they represent fundamentally different concepts. God is typically understood as a supreme, divine being—omnipotent, omniscient, and omnipresent—who is the creator and sustainer of the universe. Religion, on the other hand, is a human-made system of beliefs, rituals, and institutions designed to worship and connect with the divine. While most major religions believe in one God, the structures, rules, and practices of religion are shaped by human interpretation, culture, and history. Understanding this distinction is crucial for a deeper appreciation of spirituality beyond organized institutions.

God: The Divine and Universal Concept

Across various faiths, God is perceived as the ultimate reality—transcendent, eternal, and beyond human limitations.

  • In Christianity, God is the Holy Trinity (Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, another human interpretation due to the fact that Jesus had no human father).
  • In Islam, Allah is the singular, all-powerful, and merciful deity.
  • In Judaism, Yahweh is the eternal, indivisible God of Abraham and Moses.
  • In Hinduism, Brahman is the infinite, formless supreme reality, while personal deities like Vishnu and Shiva represent different aspects of the divine.
  • In Sikhism, God (Waheguru) is formless and omnipresent.

Despite different names and interpretations, the core idea remains: God is divine, beyond human constructs, and the source of all existence.

Religion: The Man-Made Institution

While God is universal, religion is the human attempt to understand, worship, and organize devotion to the divine. Religions are shaped by:

  1. Scriptures and Teachings – Holy books (Bible, Quran, Torah, Vedas, etc.) are believed to be divinely inspired but are written, interpreted, and translated by humans.
  2. Rituals and Practices – Prayers, fasting, pilgrimages, and festivals are structured by religious authorities to foster spiritual discipline.
  3. Institutions and Leadership – Mosques, churches, synagogues, and temples are built by people; priests, imams, rabbis, and gurus are human intermediaries.
  4. Cultural Influences – Traditions, laws, and customs within religions evolve over time, influenced by historical and social contexts.

Because religions are human-managed, they can sometimes become politicized, corrupted, or misinterpreted—leading to divisions rather than unity.

Why the Confusion Exists

Many people conflate religion with God because:

  • Religions claim to represent God’s will, making it easy to assume that following a religion is the same as following God.
  • Human beings crave structure, so organized religion provides a clear framework for worship, ethics, and community.
  • Power dynamics sometimes lead religious leaders to assert authority in God’s name, blurring the line between divine truth and human doctrine.

However, true spirituality transcends religion. Many individuals experience a deep connection with God outside formal institutions—through personal prayer, meditation, or acts of compassion.

Conclusion

God is the eternal, divine reality worshipped across faiths, while religion is the human-created system designed to facilitate that worship. Recognizing this distinction allows for a more open and inclusive understanding of spirituality. While religions provide valuable guidance, they are not infallible, as they are shaped by human interpretation. Ultimately, the pursuit of God should transcend institutional boundaries, focusing instead on universal values of love, truth, and justice. By separating the divine from the man-made, we can foster a more authentic and harmonious spiritual life.

Newsletter: Leadership Failures, National Disintegration, and the Rise of Extremism – Lessons from Somalia and Beyond


Introduction
Weak leadership, corruption, and the neglect of national priorities have historically led to the collapse of states and the rise of violent extremism. Today, Somalia—particularly regions like Puntland—serves as a stark example of how governance failures create openings for groups like Al-Shabaab and ISIS. This newsletter examines the root causes of systemic breakdowns, their consequences, and what can be learned from history to prevent further destabilization.
Why Do States Fail? Key Factors
1. Leadership Without Vision
When leaders abandon their constitutional duties—such as ensuring security, justice, and national cohesion—chaos follow. In Somalia, political infighting, clan-based favouritism, and a lack of unified governance have allowed extremist groups to thrive.
• Example: Puntland’s internal divisions over elections and resource-sharing have weakened its ability to combat Al-Shabaab effectively.
Historical Parallel: The fall of Siad Barre’s regime (1991) was triggered by centralized corruption and exclusionary politics, leading to decades of civil war.
2. The Federalism Dilemma
Somalia’s federal system was meant to empower regions, but poor implementation has fueled distrust between Mogadishu and federal states. Instead of unity, there is constant competition over resources and authority.
• Result: Policy paralysis, delayed military offensives against Al-Shabaab, and disillusionment among citizens.
• Global Lesson: Similar federal failures contributed to Yugoslavia’s violent breakup in the 1990s.
3. Corruption and Injustice – Fueling Extremism
When leaders prioritize personal wealth over public welfare, citizens lose faith in the state. Extremist groups exploit this by offering alternate governance (e.g., Sharia courts, dispute resolution).
Somalia’s Case: Misused aid money, diverted security funds, and clan-based discrimination push marginalized youth toward Al-Shabaab.
Broader Trend: The Taliban’s resurgence in Afghanistan was partly due to the Ghani government’s corruption and inefficiency.
Consequences of Neglect
• Expansion of Extremism: Al-Shabaab controls large rural areas and extracts “taxes” even in government-held zones.
Fragmentation: Puntland and Somaliland increasingly act independently, risking Somalia’s territorial integrity.
• Humanitarian Crisis: Displacement, famine, and lack of services worsen as governance collapses.
Lessons from History
History shows that empires and nations crumble when leaders ignore pressing challenges:
• Ottoman Empire: Corruption and refusal to reform led to its disintegration.
• Libya (2011): Gaddafi’s authoritarian kleptocracy triggered state collapse.
• Soviet Union (1991): Elite self-interest and economic mismanagement caused systemic failure.
Somalia must learn from these examples—or risk further disintegration.
Pathways to Recovery
• Inclusive Leadership: Genuine power-sharing beyond clan lines.
• Security Reforms: Professionalize armies, cut corruption in defence spending.
Accountable Federalism: Clear roles for FGS and states to avoid conflicts.
• Anti-Corruption Measures: Independent audits of aid and revenue.
• Grassroots Reconciliation: Address local grievances to undercut extremist recruitment.
Final Thoughts
Somalia’s survival depends on leaders choosing national unity over personal gain. Without urgent reforms, the cycle of extremism and state failure will continue—not just in Somalia but in other fragile states facing similar threats.
Call to Action: Accountability begins with civic engagement. Support transparency, demand better governance, and learn from history—before it repeats.

By Ismail Warsame/WDM
March 24, 2025


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To the Communities of Puntland and Galmudug: Upholding Peace in the Face of Provocation

WDM PRESS RELEASE

The people of Puntland and Galmudug have long been known for their resilience, unity, and commitment to peace. These two regions, though distinct in their identities, share a common history and a collective aspiration for stability and progress. However, recent provocations and sinister social media campaigns by elements with ill intentions threaten to sow discord and cultivate hostilities between these peaceful communities. It is imperative that the people of Puntland and Galmudug remain vigilant, reject these divisive tactics, and continue to prioritize peace and cooperation.

At the heart of these provocations is the false narrative surrounding the Federal NIRA (National Identity and Registration Authority) and the alleged ceding of parts of Puntland to Galmudug. Such claims are not only baseless but also designed to inflame tensions and create mistrust between the two regions. These malicious efforts are orchestrated by individuals and groups who thrive on chaos and division, seeking to undermine the progress that Puntland and Galmudug have made in building peaceful and prosperous societies.

Social media, while a powerful tool for communication and connection, has also become a breeding ground for misinformation and propaganda. The spread of false narratives and inflammatory content is a deliberate strategy to manipulate public opinion and incite conflict. It is crucial for the communities of Puntland and Galmudug to critically evaluate the information they encounter online and to refrain from sharing unverified or provocative content. By doing so, they can deny these provocateurs the platform they seek to exploit.

The people of Puntland and Galmudug must remember that their strength lies in their unity and shared commitment to peace. History has shown that when communities come together and reject division, they can overcome even the most challenging circumstances. The bonds of kinship, culture, and mutual respect that exist between the people of these regions are far stronger than the attempts of a few to drive them apart.

Leaders, elders, and influencers in both Puntland and Galmudug have a critical role to play in this regard. They must actively promote dialogue, understanding, and reconciliation, and work to counter the narratives of division. By fostering open communication and addressing any grievances through peaceful means, they can ensure that the voices of reason and unity prevail over those of discord and conflict.

Moreover, it is essential for the youth, who are often the most active users of social media, to be at the forefront of this effort. They must use their platforms to spread messages of peace, tolerance, and solidarity, rather than allowing themselves to be manipulated by those who seek to divide. The future of Puntland and Galmudug depends on the ability of its young people to rise above provocation and work together for the common good.

In conclusion, the communities of Puntland and Galmudug must remain steadfast in their commitment to peace and reject the provocations of those who seek to divide them. By staying united, critically evaluating information, and promoting dialogue, they can overcome these challenges and continue on the path of progress and stability. Let us not allow the ill intentions of a few to undermine the peace and harmony that have been so hard-earned. Together, the people of Puntland and Galmudug can build a future defined by cooperation, mutual respect, and shared prosperity.

To peace, unity, and a brighter future for all

Key Takeaways from the Clashes in Jubaland and the Ankara Declaration

On the same day that Jubaland regional forces summarily defeated forces from the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) near Raas Kambooni, Turkey announced that Ethiopia and the FGS signed the Ankara Declaration to ease tensions between the two nations stemming from Addis Ababa’s controversial MOU with Somaliland where it would lease port access in exchange […]

Key Takeaways from the Clashes in Jubaland and the Ankara Declaration

Booklet: Political Dilemma in Mogadishu – Rallying Behind a Failing Leader or Undermining and Unseating Him?

Warsame Digital Media | March 22, 2025

Table of Contents
• Executive Summary
• Key Issues
• Divisive Policies and Federal-State Tensions
• Rampant Corruption, Nepotism, and Cronyism
• Lack of Consultation and Expertise
• Failure to Counter Extremism
• The Political Dilemma
• Option 1: Rally Behind President Mohamud
• Option 2: Undermine and Unseat President Mohamud
• Potential Consequences
• Rallying Behind the President
• Undermining the President
• Pathways Forward for Somalia
• National Dialogue and Reconciliation
• Anti-Corruption Reforms
• Inclusive Governance
• Strengthening Counterterrorism Efforts
• International Support and Accountability
• Conclusion
• Call to Action

1. Executive Summary
Somalia stands at a critical political crossroads, grappling with extremist threats, weak governance, and deep internal divisions. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration is marred by corruption, nepotism, and divisive policies, raising a pressing question: Should Somalis rally behind a failing leader or seek his removal to pave the way for better governance? This booklet explores the key issues, dilemmas, and potential pathways forward for Somalia.
2. Key Issues
Divisive Policies and Federal-State Tensions
• President Mohamud’s confrontational approach toward federal states like Puntland and Jubaland has fueled political instability.
• Lack of cooperation weakens efforts to counter extremism.
Rampant Corruption, Nepotism, and Cronyism
• Corruption and mismanagement have eroded public trust and hindered service delivery.
• Unqualified appointments have worsened governance.
Lack of Consultation and Expertise
• Exclusion of key stakeholders in decision-making has led to poorly designed policies.
Failure to Counter Extremism
• Al-Shabab and ISIS thrive due to weak governance and internal divisions.
3. The Political Dilemma
Option 1: Rally Behind President Mohamud
Pros:
• Avoids short-term instability during existential threats.
• Maintains continuity in counterterrorism efforts.
Cons:
• Risks perpetuating corruption and poor governance.
• Erodes public trust and fuels grievances.
Option 2: Undermine and Unseat President Mohamud
Pros:
• Opportunity for meaningful reforms and inclusive governance.
• Potential to restore public trust and unity.
Cons:
• Risk of political instability and infighting.
• Could disrupt counterterrorism efforts and international support.
4. Potential Consequences
Rallying Behind the President:
• Short-term stability but long-term stagnation.
• Continued erosion of public trust and weakened counterterrorism efforts.
Undermining the President:
• Potential for political instability and disruption of counterterrorism efforts.
• Opportunity for reform and improved governance.
5. Pathways Forward for Somalia
National Dialogue and Reconciliation
• Engage federal states, civil society, and stakeholders to build consensus on power-sharing and counterterrorism.
Anti-Corruption Reforms
• Establish independent oversight mechanisms and prosecute corrupt officials.
Inclusive Governance
• Consult federal states, civil society, and experts in decision-making processes.
Strengthening Counterterrorism Efforts
• Develop a cohesive strategy, build a capable security force, and address root causes of extremism.
International Support and Accountability
• Ensure international aid is tied to progress in governance and anti-corruption reforms.
6. Conclusion
Somalia’s future hinges on addressing its political crisis through dialogue, reforms, and inclusive governance. Whether Somalis rally behind President Mohamud or seek his removal, the focus must remain on building a stable, united, and prosperous nation.
7. Call to Action
Somali leaders, civil society, and the international community must collaborate to overcome this crisis and achieve lasting  peace and stability.

Published by Warsame Digital Media

White Paper: Political Dilemma in Mogadishu – Rallying Behind a Failing Leader or Undermining and Unseating Him?

Executive Summary

Somalia, a nation with a complex political landscape and a history of conflict, faces a critical juncture in its governance. The country is under relentless attack by extremist groups such as Al-Shabab and ISIS, which exploit the political instability and weak governance to further their agendas. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, who leads the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), is at the center of a political dilemma. His administration is marred by divisive policies, rampant corruption, nepotism, cronyism, and a lack of consultation and expertise. These issues have exacerbated tensions with federal member states, particularly Puntland and Jubaland, and have weakened the government’s ability to effectively counter extremism and deliver basic services.

This white paper examines the political dilemma facing Somalia: Should Somalis rally behind a failing leader in the face of existential threats, or should they undermine and unseat him to pave the way for more effective governance? The paper explores the root causes of the current political crisis, the implications of supporting or opposing President Mohamud, and potential pathways forward for Somalia.


Introduction

Somalia’s political landscape is characterized by a fragile federal structure, clan-based politics, and the persistent threat of extremist groups. Since the collapse of the central government in 1991, the country has struggled to rebuild state institutions and establish a stable political order. The election of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud in 2022 was initially seen as a step toward stability, but his administration has been plagued by internal divisions, poor governance, and a failure to address the country’s most pressing challenges.

The rise of Al-Shabab and ISIS in Somalia has further complicated the political environment. These groups thrive in the absence of strong governance and exploit grievances among marginalized communities. President Mohamud’s divisive policies, particularly his hostile stance toward Puntland and Jubaland, have alienated key stakeholders and undermined efforts to build a unified front against extremism. Additionally, rampant corruption, nepotism, and mismanagement have eroded public trust in the government and hindered its ability to deliver services and security.

This white paper seeks to answer the following questions:

  1. What are the root causes of Somalia’s political crisis under President Mohamud?
  2. Should Somalis rally behind a failing leader in the face of existential threats, or should they undermine and unseat him?
  3. What are the potential consequences of each course of action?
  4. What pathways exist for Somalia to overcome its political crisis and achieve stability?

The Root Causes of Somalia’s Political Crisis

1. Divisive Policies and Federal-State Tensions

President Mohamud’s administration has been characterized by a confrontational approach toward federal member states, particularly Puntland and Jubaland. These states have accused the federal government of centralizing power and undermining their autonomy. The lack of consultation and cooperation between Mogadishu and the federal states has weakened Somalia’s ability to present a united front against extremism and has fueled political instability.

2. Rampant Corruption, Nepotism, and Cronyism

Corruption is a pervasive issue in Somalia, and President Mohamud’s administration has been accused of prioritizing personal and clan interests over national priorities. Nepotism and cronyism have led to the appointment of unqualified individuals to key positions, resulting in mismanagement and maladministration. This has further eroded public trust in the government and hindered its ability to deliver services and security.

3. Lack of Consultation and Expertise

The federal government’s decision-making process has been criticized for lacking transparency and inclusivity. Key stakeholders, including federal member states, civil society, and experts, have been excluded from critical discussions on governance and security. This has resulted in poorly designed policies and a lack of coordination in addressing Somalia’s challenges.

4. Failure to Counter Extremism

Despite international support, the federal government has struggled to effectively counter the threat posed by Al-Shabab and ISIS. The lack of a cohesive strategy, coupled with internal divisions and corruption, has undermined efforts to build a capable security force and address the root causes of extremism.


The Political Dilemma: Rally Behind or Undermine the Leader?

Option 1: Rally Behind President Mohamud

Supporters of President Mohamud argue that Somalia cannot afford a leadership change in the face of existential threats from Al-Shabab and ISIS. They contend that a change in leadership could lead to further instability and weaken the government’s ability to counter extremism. Rallying behind the president, they argue, would allow the government to focus on addressing the country’s challenges and building a more inclusive political system.

However, this approach risks perpetuating the status quo of poor governance, corruption, and divisive policies. Without meaningful reforms, the government is unlikely to gain the trust and support of the Somali people or effectively counter extremism.

Option 2: Undermine and Unseat President Mohamud

Critics of President Mohamud argue that his administration has failed to address Somalia’s most pressing challenges and has exacerbated political divisions. They contend that unseating the president and replacing him with a more competent and inclusive leader is necessary to restore public trust, strengthen governance, and build a unified front against extremism.

However, this approach carries significant risks. A leadership change could lead to political instability and infighting, particularly in the absence of a clear successor. Additionally, it could distract from efforts to counter extremism and undermine international support for Somalia.


Potential Consequences of Each Course of Action

Consequences of Rallying Behind President Mohamud

  • Short-term stability but long-term stagnation: The government may maintain a semblance of stability in the short term, but without meaningful reforms, the underlying issues of corruption, mismanagement, and divisive policies will persist.
  • Continued erosion of public trust: The government’s failure to address corruption and deliver services will further erode public trust and fuel grievances that extremists can exploit.
  • Weakened counterterrorism efforts: Internal divisions and poor governance will continue to undermine efforts to counter Al-Shabab and ISIS.

Consequences of Undermining and Unseating President Mohamud

  • Potential for political instability: A leadership change could lead to infighting and political instability, particularly in the absence of a clear successor.
  • Disruption of counterterrorism efforts: A leadership transition could distract from efforts to counter extremism and undermine international support.
  • Opportunity for meaningful reform: A new leader could bring fresh perspectives and a commitment to addressing corruption, improving governance, and building a more inclusive political system.

Pathways Forward for Somalia

1. National Dialogue and Reconciliation

Somalia needs a comprehensive national dialogue to address the root causes of its political crisis. This dialogue should include federal member states, civil society, and other stakeholders to build consensus on key issues such as power-sharing, resource allocation, and counterterrorism strategy.

2. Anti-Corruption Reforms

The federal government must prioritize anti-corruption reforms to restore public trust and improve governance. This includes establishing independent oversight mechanisms, prosecuting corrupt officials, and promoting transparency in government operations.

3. Inclusive Governance

The federal government must adopt a more inclusive approach to governance, consulting with federal member states, civil society, and experts in decision-making processes. This will help build trust and ensure that policies are well-designed and effectively implemented.

4. Strengthening Counterterrorism Efforts

Somalia needs a cohesive and well-coordinated strategy to counter Al-Shabab and ISIS. This includes building a capable security force, addressing the root causes of extremism, and fostering cooperation between the federal government and federal member states.

5. International Support and Accountability

The international community must continue to support Somalia’s efforts to achieve stability and counter extremism. However, this support should be conditional on progress in governance reforms and anti-corruption efforts.


Conclusion

Somalia’s political dilemma is a reflection of the broader challenges facing the country as it seeks to rebuild state institutions and counter extremism. While rallying behind President Mohamud may provide short-term stability, it risks perpetuating the status quo of poor governance and divisive policies. On the other hand, undermining and unseating the president carries significant risks but also offers an opportunity for meaningful reform.

Ultimately, Somalia’s path forward lies in addressing the root causes of its political crisis through national dialogue, anti-corruption reforms, inclusive governance, and a cohesive counterterrorism strategy. The Somali people, with the support of the international community, must seize this moment to build a more stable and prosperous future.


This white paper serves as a call to action for Somali leaders, civil society, and the international community to work together to overcome the current political crisis and achieve lasting peace and stability in Somalia.

The Role of Youth, Sports, and Religion in Garowe: A Balanced Perspective

In today’s Friday sermon at Masjid Omar Binu AbdiAsis in Garowe, Puntland State, Sheikh Dr. Ahmed, PhD, addressed a pressing concern regarding the youth of the community. He expressed his dismay at what he perceives as an overemphasis on sports, particularly soccer, at the expense of religious devotion. While his concerns about the spiritual well-being of the youth are valid and commendable, his critique of parents and the youth’s engagement in sports overlooks several critical realities on the ground. A more nuanced approach is necessary to address the multifaceted needs of Garowe’s youth, balancing religious devotion with physical, social, and intellectual development.

Firstly, Sheikh Dr. Ahmed’s critique of youth prioritizing sports over religious activities fails to acknowledge the importance of physical development. Sports, including soccer, play a vital role in promoting physical health, discipline, and teamwork. In a world where sedentary lifestyles and health issues are on the rise, encouraging physical activity among youth is not only beneficial but essential. The youth playing soccer in Garowe are not merely indulging in a pastime; they are engaging in activities that foster physical fitness, resilience, and a sense of accomplishment. These qualities are not at odds with religious values but can complement them by promoting a healthy and balanced lifestyle.

Secondly, sports serve as a critical avenue for social integration and skill development. In a society like Garowe, where communal ties are vital, sports provide a platform for youth to interact, build relationships, and develop social skills. Through teamwork and competition, young people learn to communicate, resolve conflicts, and work toward common goals. These skills are indispensable for their integration into society and their future roles as responsible citizens. By participating in sports, youth are not neglecting their religious duties but are instead preparing themselves to contribute meaningfully to their communities. Sports prevent youth from developing bad habits like chewing Qat and getting addicted to other drugs, consequently committing petty crimes.

Moreover, Sheikh Dr. Ahmed’s critique seems to overlook the scarcity of recreational facilities in Garowe. The youth he observed playing soccer are not merely choosing sports over religion; they are making the most of the limited opportunities available to them. Garowe, like many other cities in Somalia, faces a severe shortage of recreational and developmental facilities for both youth and adults. The few amenities that exist are often overcrowded, with youth competing for access. Rather than blaming the youth or their parents, it would be more productive to advocate for the creation of more recreational, educational, and religious facilities that cater to the diverse needs of the community. A holistic approach to youth development requires investment in infrastructure that supports both physical and spiritual growth.

Additionally, the expectation that society should produce only religious scholars is an outdated and impractical notion. While religious education is undoubtedly important, a thriving society requires a diversity of skills and professions. Garowe, and Somalia at large, needs doctors, engineers, teachers, athletes, and entrepreneurs just as much as it needs religious scholars. The youth playing soccer today could become the professionals who drive national development tomorrow. Encouraging a balance between religious devotion and other forms of knowledge and expertise is essential for the progress and stability of the region.

Instead of focusing solely on the perceived neglect of religious duties, mosques and religious leaders like Sheikh Dr. Ahmed could play a more constructive role in addressing the challenges facing Garowe’s youth. One such role could be narrowing sectarian differences that have long contributed to Somalia’s destabilization. Mosques, as centers of community life, have the potential to foster unity, tolerance, and dialogue among different groups. By promoting a message of inclusivity and cooperation, religious leaders can help create a more harmonious and stable society. This would not only benefit the youth but also contribute to the broader goal of national reconciliation and development.

In conclusion, while Sheikh Dr. Ahmed’s concerns about the spiritual well-being of Garowe’s youth are important, his critique of their engagement in sports overlooks the broader context of their needs and challenges. Youth require physical development, social integration, and access to recreational facilities, all of which are currently in short supply in Garowe. Rather than pitting sports against religion, a more balanced approach is needed—one that recognizes the value of both and invests in the holistic development of the youth. Furthermore, mosques and religious leaders have a unique opportunity to play a unifying role in society, addressing not only spiritual needs but also the social and political challenges that hinder progress. By embracing this broader vision, Garowe can nurture a generation of well-rounded individuals who contribute to both their faith and their nation.

Al-Shabab’s Parallel Governance and the Threat to Somalia’s Stability

For over two decades, Al-Shabab has operated as a parallel government in South-Central Somalia, exerting control over vast territories, imposing its harsh interpretation of Sharia law, and providing basic services to populations neglected by the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS). Despite efforts by the Somali National Army (SNA) and African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), now replaced by the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), Al-Shabab has proven resilient and adaptive. Recently, the group has escalated its activities, seizing strategic infrastructure locations such as the main roads leading to Afgooye, Balcad, and Jowhar. This development is not only a tactical shift but also a sinister omen that Al-Shabab is preparing for a major operation to destabilize Mogadishu and decapitate the federal government. To counter this growing threat, a comprehensive and multifaceted counterinsurgency strategy is urgently needed.

Al-Shabab’s Parallel Governance and Strategic Control

Al-Shabab’s ability to function as a parallel government stems from its exploitation of the FGS’s weaknesses, including corruption, inefficiency, and limited territorial control. The group has established administrative structures, collected taxes, and provided rudimentary services such as dispute resolution and education in areas under its control. This has allowed Al-Shabab to gain a degree of legitimacy among local populations, particularly in rural areas where the Federal Government’s presence is minimal or nonexistent.

The group’s recent seizure of key infrastructure points, such as roads leading to Afgooye, Balcad, and Jowhar, underscores its strategic ambitions. These roads are critical supply routes for both the FGS and international forces, and their control allows Al-Shabab to disrupt logistics, extort revenue, and project power. By choking off access to these routes, Al-Shabab is not only weakening the government’s ability to respond but also signaling its intent to expand its influence closer to Mogadishu. The group’s attempts to decapitate the Federal Government through targeted assassinations, bombings, and raids further highlight its determination to destabilize the state and seize control of key urban centers.

The Threat to Mogadishu and Beyond

Mogadishu, the seat of the Federal Government, has long been a battleground between Al-Shabab and government forces. While the FGS and its international partners have made significant strides in securing the city, Al-Shabab’s recent activities suggest a renewed push to infiltrate and destabilize the capital. The group’s ability to launch complex attacks, such as the August 2022 siege at the Hayat Hotel, demonstrates its operational sophistication and reach. If Al-Shabab succeeds in gaining a foothold in Mogadishu, it could undermine the government’s authority, disrupt governance, and plunge the city into chaos.

Moreover, Al-Shabab’s ambitions extend beyond Somalia. The group has forged alliances with other extremist organizations in the region, such as Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), and has conducted attacks in neighboring Kenya. A strengthened Al-Shabab in Somalia would pose a significant threat to regional stability, potentially reigniting conflict in the Horn of Africa and providing a safe haven for transnational terrorism.

Counterinsurgency Recommendations

To counter Al-Shabab’s growing threat, a comprehensive counterinsurgency strategy must be implemented. This strategy should address the root causes of the insurgency, strengthen governance, and enhance security operations. Below are key recommendations:

  1. Strengthen Governance and Service Delivery: Al-Shabab’s ability to function as a parallel government is a direct result of the Federal Government’s failure to provide basic services and governance in many areas. The FGS must prioritize extending its authority and improving service delivery in rural and contested regions. This includes investing in infrastructure, education, healthcare, and economic opportunities to win the support of local populations.
  2. Enhance Security Forces’ Capabilities: The Somali National Army and police forces require better training, equipment, and logistical support to effectively combat Al-Shabab. International partners, including the United States, European Union, and African Union, should continue to provide technical and financial assistance while ensuring that support aligns with Somalia’s long-term security needs.
  3. Community Engagement and Counter-Radicalization: Counterinsurgency efforts must include community engagement to build trust and gather intelligence. Local leaders, religious figures, and civil society organizations should be involved in efforts to counter Al-Shabab’s propaganda and recruitment. Counter-radicalization programs should focus on providing alternatives to extremism, particularly for vulnerable youth.
  4. Targeted Military Operations: While a purely military approach is insufficient, targeted operations against Al-Shabab’s leadership, financial networks, and supply chains are essential. Precision strikes and intelligence-driven raids can disrupt the group’s operations and weaken its organizational structure.
  5. Regional Cooperation: Al-Shabab’s threat extends beyond Somalia’s borders, necessitating regional cooperation. The FGS should work closely with neighboring countries, such as Kenya and Ethiopia, to share intelligence, coordinate border security, and prevent the cross-border movement of militants and resources.
  6. Address Corruption and Political Fragmentation: Corruption within the FGS undermines public trust and fuels support for Al-Shabab. The government must take concrete steps to combat corruption and promote transparency. Additionally, political fragmentation and clan-based rivalries weaken the state’s ability to present a united front against Al-Shabab. National reconciliation and inclusive governance are critical to building a cohesive response to the insurgency.

Conclusion

Al-Shabab’s continued control of strategic infrastructure and its attempts to decapitate the federal government represent a grave threat to Somalia’s stability and regional security. The group’s resilience and adaptability underscore the need for a comprehensive counterinsurgency strategy that addresses the root causes of the conflict, strengthens governance, and enhances security operations. By prioritizing community engagement, regional cooperation, and targeted military actions, the federal government and its international partners can weaken Al-Shabab’s grip on South-Central Somalia and prevent the group from achieving its sinister objectives. The road ahead is fraught with challenges, but with sustained effort and collaboration, Somalia can overcome the threat posed by Al-Shabab and move toward a more stable and prosperous future.

The Takeover of Security Checkpoints by Al-Shabab on the Mogadishu-Afgoye Road: A Sign of Government Collapse

The recent seizure of security checkpoints along the Mogadishu-Afgoye Road by the militant group Al-Shabab is a stark reminder of the fragility of Somalia’s security apparatus and the inability of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) to maintain control over critical infrastructure. This alarming development not only underscores the growing influence of Al-Shabab but also signals the collapse of government security forces and the failure of the fledgling federal government to address the realities on the ground. The situation raises serious questions about the competence and vision of Somalia’s leaders, who appear to be out of touch with the deteriorating security environment.

The Mogadishu-Afgoye Road is a vital artery connecting the capital, Mogadishu, to the agricultural town of Afgoye and beyond. It is a lifeline for trade, transportation, and communication, making it a strategic asset for both the government and insurgent groups. For years, the Federal Government, with the support of African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) forces, has struggled to secure this corridor, which has frequently been targeted by Al-Shabab. The recent takeover of security checkpoints by the militant group is a significant blow to the government’s credibility and exposes the weaknesses of its security forces. It demonstrates that Al-Shabab remains a potent force capable of challenging state authority and undermining efforts to stabilize the country.

The fall of these checkpoints is not an isolated incident but rather a symptom of a broader crisis within Somalia’s security sector. Despite years of international support and training, government forces remain poorly equipped, underpaid, and demoralized. Corruption and mismanagement within the security apparatus have further eroded their effectiveness. Al-Shabab, on the other hand, has capitalized on these weaknesses, employing guerrilla tactics, exploiting local grievances, and leveraging its organizational discipline to outmaneuver government forces. The group’s ability to seize and hold strategic positions highlights the lack of coordination and leadership within the government’s security framework.

The failure to secure the Mogadishu-Afgoye Road also reflects the broader incompetence of Somalia’s political leadership. The leaders of the Federal Government, many of whom are entrenched in Mogadishu’s political bubble, seem disconnected from the realities on the ground. Their inability to address the root causes of insecurity, such as clan divisions, poverty, and lack of governance, has allowed Al-Shabab to thrive. Instead of focusing on building inclusive institutions and fostering national unity, the government has been plagued by infighting, corruption, and a lack of strategic direction. This has created a vacuum that Al-Shabab has been all too willing to fill.

Moreover, the government’s reliance on external actors, such as AMISOM and international donors, has fostered a culture of dependency rather than self-reliance. While international support has been crucial in countering Al-Shabab, it cannot replace the need for a capable and accountable Somali security force. The recent setbacks on the Mogadishu-Afgoye Road underscore the limitations of this approach and highlight the urgent need for the government to take ownership of its security challenges.

The implications of Al-Shabab’s growing control over key infrastructure are dire. The group’s ability to disrupt trade and movement along the Mogadishu-Afgoye Road will have a devastating impact on the local economy, exacerbating poverty and displacement. It also sends a chilling message to the Somali people and the international community that the government is incapable of protecting its citizens. If left unaddressed, this could further erode public confidence in the government and strengthen support for Al-Shabab, which presents itself as a viable alternative to the perceived incompetence and corruption of the state.

In conclusion, the takeover of security checkpoints by Al-Shabab on the Mogadishu-Afgoye Road is a clear indication of the collapse of government security forces and the failure of Somalia’s political leadership. The Federal Government’s inability to address the root causes of insecurity, coupled with its reliance on external actors, has created a security vacuum that Al-Shabab has exploited. Unless the government takes decisive action to reform its security sector, address corruption, and reconnect with the realities on the ground, the situation is likely to worsen. The people of Somalia deserve a government that can protect them and provide a path toward stability and prosperity. The current leadership must rise to the occasion or risk being remembered as the architects of Somalia’s continued descent into chaos.

Reflections on Puntland’s Security Challenges: A Path Forward

The Puntland State of Somalia has long been a region of resilience and determination, facing multifaceted security challenges with courage and resourcefulness. A recent letter at bottom of this article addressed to Dahir Mire Jibril, reflecting on a paper discussing Puntland’s progress and challenges, provides a compelling starting point for a deeper analysis of the region’s current security landscape. While the paper in question offers an optimistic perspective on Puntland’s achievements, the letter raises critical concerns that underscore the complexity of the situation. This article delves into the key themes highlighted in the correspondence, examining the achievements, challenges, and potential pathways for Puntland to navigate its ongoing struggles.

Puntland’s Achievements: A Testament to Resilience

The Puntland State Defence Forces (PSDF) have been at the forefront of the region’s efforts to combat terrorism and maintain stability. Their bravery and resilience in confronting ISIS militants, particularly in the frontline engagements near Bosaso City, have been nothing short of heroic. The public’s unwavering support for these efforts has played a pivotal role in sustaining the morale of the forces. Additionally, the Somali diaspora has been instrumental in providing financial, logistical, and moral support, demonstrating the power of collective action in the face of adversity.

These achievements are a testament to Puntland’s ability to mobilize resources and rally its people against existential threats. However, as the letter rightly points out, these successes are only part of the story. The region continues to grapple with significant challenges that threaten to undermine its progress.

Persistent Threats: ISIS Remnants and Guerrilla Warfare

One of the most pressing concerns highlighted in the letter is the persistence of ISIS remnants near Bosaso City. Despite the PSDF’s efforts, these pockets of resistance have proven difficult to eradicate entirely. The situation is further complicated by the emergence of a prolonged guerrilla conflict, a scenario that Puntland has not historically encountered. This shift in tactics by ISIS poses a new and daunting challenge for the region’s security forces.

The lack of adequate training among Puntland fighters has exacerbated the situation. The letter notes that significant losses have been incurred due to improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and sniper fire in the Calmiskaad mountains. These casualties underscore the urgent need for enhanced training programs, particularly in counterinsurgency and asymmetric warfare tactics. Without such measures, the PSDF risks being outmaneuvered by a more agile and adaptable enemy.

The Al-Shabaab Factor: An Unresolved Threat

While ISIS remains a significant concern, the threat posed by Al-Shabaab in the Cal-Madow mountain ranges cannot be overlooked. Unlike ISIS, Al-Shabaab has a long history in the region and has demonstrated its ability to adapt and regroup despite sustained military pressure. The letter laments the absence of strategic operations to address this threat, highlighting a critical gap in Puntland’s security strategy.

Al-Shabaab’s presence in the Cal-Madow mountains not only undermines Puntland’s stability but also poses a broader threat to Somalia’s security. The group’s ability to operate in remote and rugged terrain makes it a formidable adversary, requiring a coordinated and well-resourced response. The lack of progress in this area suggests a need for greater regional and international collaboration to develop and execute effective counterterrorism strategies.

The Road Ahead: Challenges and Opportunities

The letter’s reflection on Puntland’s challenges serves as a sobering reminder that the region’s journey toward stability is far from over. While the progress made so far is commendable, it is clear that Puntland must address several critical issues to consolidate its gains and prevent further setbacks.

  1. Enhanced Training and Capacity Building: The PSDF’s ability to combat guerrilla warfare and asymmetric threats hinges on improved training and capacity building. International partners and regional allies can play a crucial role in providing the necessary expertise and resources to enhance the skills of Puntland’s fighters.
  2. Strategic Planning and Coordination: Addressing the dual threats of ISIS and Al-Shabaab requires a comprehensive and coordinated approach. Puntland must develop strategic plans that prioritize intelligence gathering, community engagement, and targeted operations to dismantle terrorist networks.
  3. Community Engagement and Public Support: The public’s support has been a cornerstone of Puntland’s resilience. Sustaining this support will require transparent communication, efforts to address grievances, and initiatives to foster social cohesion.
  4. Regional and International Collaboration: Puntland cannot tackle these challenges alone. Strengthening partnerships with the Federal Government of Somalia, neighboring states, and international allies will be essential to pooling resources and expertise.

Conclusion: A Call for Sustained Effort

The letter’s thoughtful analysis of Puntland’s security challenges underscores the complexity of the region’s situation. While the PSDF’s achievements are a source of pride, the persistence of ISIS remnants, the looming threat of Al-Shabaab, and the need for enhanced training and strategic planning highlight the work that remains to be done.

Puntland’s journey toward stability is a marathon, not a sprint. It will require sustained effort, adaptability, and collaboration at all levels. By addressing these challenges head-on and building on its existing strengths, Puntland can continue to make progress toward a more secure and prosperous future. The reflections shared in the letter serve as both a reminder of the stakes and a call to action for all stakeholders invested in Puntland’s success.

Subject: Reflections on Your Paper and Puntland’s Challenges.

Dear Dahir,

Warm greetings to you and your colleagues here.

I recently read your paper with great interest. While your perspective is optimistic, it is undeniably well-articulated and thought-provoking. I wholeheartedly agree that the Puntland State gallant Defence Forces have demonstrated exceptional bravery and resilience in their frontline engagements against ISIS. The public’s unwavering support for the war efforts is indeed commendable, and the role of the diaspora in bolstering these efforts has been nothing short of phenomenal.

That said, I believe there are critical challenges that warrant further attention. For instance, pockets of ISIS remnants persist near Bosaso City, and it appears that Puntland State is on the brink of a prolonged guerrilla conflict—a scenario unprecedented and unanticipated in its relatively short history. Regrettably, the lack of adequate training among Puntland fighters has led to significant losses, particularly from IEDs and sniper fire in the Calmiskaad mountains.

Moreover, the threat posed by Al-Shabaab in the Cal-Madow mountain ranges remains unresolved. Strategic operations to address this threat are yet to be planned and executed, adding another layer of complexity to the region’s security landscape.

In summary, while the progress made so far is noteworthy, Puntland State still has a long and arduous journey ahead before we can confidently celebrate any potential success.

Thank you for sharing your insights, and I look forward to further discussions on this important topic.

Warm regards,
Ismail

Download here Paper by Dahir Mire Jibril:

White Paper: A Pathway to Negotiations Between Puntland State and the Federal Government of Somalia

Executive Summary

The relationship between Puntland State and the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has been marked by tension and mistrust, largely due to disagreements over the federal constitution, resource allocation, and political representation. Puntland, as the oldest federal member state established after the Somali Civil War, has consistently advocated for a review of the provisional federal constitution to address its concerns and ensure a fair and inclusive political framework. This white paper outlines the necessary steps for Puntland to engage in meaningful negotiations with the FGS, focusing on key demands such as constitutional reform, recognition of Puntland’s historical and political significance, and its role in critical issues like Somaliland negotiations and SSC-Khaatumo affairs. As a confidence-building measure, the FGS must abandon anti-Puntland policies, including the freezing of projects and budget support, to create an environment conducive to dialogue and collaboration.


Introduction

Puntland State, established in 1998, has played a pivotal role in Somalia’s post-civil war recovery. As a semi-autonomous region, Puntland has contributed to state-building, security, and economic development, serving as a model for other federal member states. However, the relationship between Puntland and the FGS has been strained due to unresolved constitutional issues, perceived marginalization, and unilateral decisions by the FGS that undermine Puntland’s autonomy.

This white paper proposes a roadmap for negotiations between Puntland and the FGS, emphasizing the need for confidence-building measures, constitutional reform, and recognition of Puntland’s role in Somalia’s political future.


Key Demands of Puntland State

1. Review of the Federal Constitution

Puntland has consistently called for a comprehensive review of Somalia’s provisional federal constitution to address its concerns and ensure a fair distribution of power and resources. The current constitution does not adequately reflect the aspirations of Puntland and other federal member states. Puntland advocates for either an asymmetrical federal system or a confederal system, which would grant greater autonomy to member states while maintaining a unified Somalia.

  • Asymmetrical Federalism: This model would allow Puntland and other states to exercise varying degrees of autonomy based on their unique historical, political, and economic contexts.
  • Confederal System: This model would establish a looser union between Somalia’s member states, granting them significant autonomy while cooperating on issues of common interest.

2. Recognition of Puntland’s Historical and Political Significance

Puntland, as the oldest federal member state, has been a cornerstone of Somalia’s post-civil war recovery. Its contributions to peacebuilding, security, and governance must be formally acknowledged by the FGS. This recognition should include:

  • A formal acknowledgment of Puntland’s role in shaping Somalia’s federal system.
  • Inclusion of Puntland’s leadership in national decision-making processes.

3. Puntland’s Role in Somaliland Negotiations

Puntland has a direct stake in any future negotiations between the FGS and Somaliland. The SSC-Khaatumo region, which is claimed by both Puntland and Somaliland, is a critical issue that must be addressed through inclusive dialogue. Puntland demands:

  • A seat at the table during negotiations with Somaliland.
  • Recognition of Puntland’s interests in the SSC-Khaatumo region.

4. Puntland as a Stakeholder in SSC-Khaatumo Affairs

The SSC-Khaatumo region is a contentious issue that requires a collaborative approach. Puntland insists on being recognized as a key stakeholder in resolving disputes related to the region. This includes:

  • Ensuring that the voices of SSC-Khaatumo communities are heard and respected.
  • Collaborative efforts to address security, governance, and resource-sharing in the region.

Confidence-Building Measures

To create an environment conducive to negotiations, the FGS must take immediate steps to rebuild trust with Puntland. These measures include:

1. Abandoning Anti-Puntland Policies

The FGS must cease all actions that undermine Puntland’s autonomy and development. This includes:

  • Halting efforts to marginalize Puntland in national decision-making.
  • Ending interference in Puntland’s internal affairs.

2. Unfreezing Projects and Budget Support

The freezing of projects and budget support for Puntland by the donor community, often at the behest of the FGS, has hindered the region’s development. The FGS must:

  • Advocate for the resumption of donor-funded projects in Puntland.
  • Ensure equitable distribution of resources and development assistance to all federal member states.

3. Inclusive Dialogue

The FGS must commit to an inclusive and transparent dialogue process that addresses Puntland’s concerns. This includes:

  • Establishing a joint technical committee to review the federal constitution.
  • Ensuring that Puntland’s representatives are included in all national consultations.

Conclusion

The path to a stable and unified Somalia requires addressing the legitimate concerns of Puntland State. By abandoning anti-Puntland policies, unfreezing development projects, and committing to constitutional reform, the FGS can build the trust necessary for meaningful negotiations. Puntland’s demands for greater autonomy, recognition of its historical significance, and a role in critical national issues are not only reasonable but essential for Somalia’s long-term stability.

This white paper serves as a call to action for the FGS to prioritize dialogue and collaboration with Puntland, paving the way for a more inclusive and equitable Somalia.

The Looming Threat of an Al-Shabab Victory in South-Central Somalia: A Potential Taliban-Style Takeover

Somalia, a nation plagued by decades of conflict, political instability, and humanitarian crises, faces an existential threat from the militant group Al-Shabab. The possibility of an Al-Shabab victory in south-central Somalia, akin to the Taliban’s takeover of Afghanistan in 2021, is no longer a distant hypothetical but a grim reality that could materialize if the current trajectory persists. The Somali federal government, riddled with corruption and infighting, has proven incapable of defeating the group. The African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS), despite its prolonged presence, has failed to stabilize the country. Meanwhile, Somali leaders remain in a state of self-denial, making grandiose claims about defeating Al-Shabab that starkly contradict the realities on the ground. The status quo is unsustainable, and without dramatic changes, Somalia could witness a catastrophic shift in power.
The Current State of Affairs
Al-Shabab, an Islamist militant group with ties to Al-Qaeda, controls significant portions of rural south-central Somalia and continues to exert influence over key regions. Despite being pushed out of major urban centres like Mogadishu by African Union forces over a decade ago, the group has adapted and remains a formidable force. It generates millions of dollars annually through taxation, extortion, and illicit trade, funding its operations, and maintaining a parallel administration in areas under its control. Al-Shabab’s resilience is further bolstered by its ability to exploit grievances against the corrupt and ineffective Somali government, which has failed to deliver basic services or security to its citizens.
The Somali National Army (SNA), theoretically the primary force tasked with combating Al-Shabab, is underfunded, poorly equipped, and riddled with defectors and infiltrators The federal government’s reliance on clan militias and regional forces has further fragmented the fight against the group, as these forces often prioritize local interests over national unity. The African Union mission, while initially successful in pushing back Al-Shabab, has struggled to maintain momentum due to funding shortfalls, troop withdrawals, and a lack of clear strategy. The planned drawdown of ATMIS forces has only heightened fears of a security vacuum that Al-Shabab could exploit.
Al-Shabab’s Evolving Tactics: A Shift Toward Pragmatism?
Recent reports suggest that Al-Shabab is adapting its tactics to appeal to broader segments of Somali society, particularly those who have historically resisted its extremist ideology. In a notable shift, the group has reportedly abandoned the practice of burning the Somali national flag—a symbolic gesture that had alienated many Somalis who retain a sense of national pride. This change reflects a calculated effort to rebrand itself as a more palatable alternative to the corrupt and ineffective federal government.
Al-Shabab appears to be taking cues from the experiences of other Islamist groups, such as those in Syria, where factions like Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) have sought to consolidate power by presenting themselves as pragmatic administrators rather than ideologically rigid extremists. By softening its image and focusing on governance, Al-Shabab aims to win over communities that have grown disillusioned with the federal government’s failures. This strategy could prove devastatingly effective in a country where the state has consistently failed to provide security, justice, or basic services.
The Path to an Al-Shabab Victory
The potential for an Al-Shabab victory in south-central Somalia hinges on several factors:
• Government Weakness and Corruption: The Somali federal government is widely perceived as corrupt and ineffective. Its inability to provide basic services, coupled with rampant corruption, has eroded public trust and created fertile ground for Al-Shabab’s expansion. The group positions itself as a provider of justice and stability in areas it controls, contrasting sharply with the government’s failures.
• Fragmented Security Forces: The SNA and regional forces lack cohesion and coordination. Al-Shabab has repeatedly exploited divisions within these forces, using guerrilla tactics to ambush convoys, overrun military bases, and seize territory. Without a unified and well-equipped national army, the government stands little chance of defeating the group.
• ATMIS Drawdown: The planned withdrawal of African Union forces has raised concerns about the Somali government’s ability to fill the security gap. Al-Shabab has already intensified its attacks in areas where ATMIS forces have withdrawn, signalling its readiness to capitalize on the transition.
• Public Disillusionment: Many Somalis are disillusioned with the federal government and view it as a puppet of foreign powers. Al-Shabab’s nationalist rhetoric, combined with its ability to provide rudimentary governance, has won it a degree of support among disaffected populations.
• Regional and International Apathy: The international community’s attention has shifted away from Somalia, with donor fatigue and competing global crises reducing funding and support. This lack of sustained engagement has emboldened Al-Shabab and weakened the government’s capacity to fight back.
The Implications of an Al-Shabab Victory
An Al-Shabab victory in south-central Somalia would have devastating consequences for the region and beyond. The group’s governance model, based on a strict interpretation of Sharia law, would result in widespread human rights abuses, including public executions, amputations, and the suppression of women’s rights. Education and healthcare systems would be dismantled or repurposed to serve the group’s ideological agenda.
Regionally, an Al-Shabab-controlled Somalia would become a safe haven for terrorist groups, destabilizing neighboring countries such as Kenya, Ethiopia, and Djibouti The group’s links to Al-Qaeda and other transnational networks would enable it to export violence and extremism across borders, posing a significant threat to global security.
Internationally, the fall of south-central Somalia to Al-Shabab would represent a significant blow to counterterrorism efforts. It would embolden other extremist groups and undermine decades of investment in state-building and stabilization. The humanitarian consequences would also be dire, with millions of Somalis facing displacement, famine, and persecution.
Breaking the Cycle: What Needs to Be Done
To prevent an Al-Shabab victory, Somalia and its international partners must take urgent and decisive action:
• Address Corruption and Governance: The Somali government must prioritize transparency, accountability, and service delivery to regain public trust. International donors should tie aid to measurable improvements in governance and anti-corruption efforts.
• Reform and Unify Security Forces: The SNA and regional forces must be reformed, unified, and adequately resourced. This includes addressing defections, improving training, and ensuring equitable pay and equipment distribution.
• Sustain International Support: The international community must recommit to Somalia, providing sustained financial and logistical support to both the government and ATMIS. A premature withdrawal of African Union forces would be catastrophic.
• Engage Local Communities: Countering Al-Shabab requires winning the hearts and minds of local populations. This involves addressing grievances, providing alternative livelihoods, and ensuring that communities are protected from reprisals.
• Strengthen Regional Cooperation: Somalia’s neighbors must work together to counter Al-Shabab’s cross-border activities. This includes intelligence-sharing, coordinated military operations, and efforts to disrupt the group’s financing networks.
Conclusion
The potential for an Al-Shabab victory in south-central Somalia is a stark reminder of the fragility of the current political and security landscape. The group’s evolving tactics, including its efforts to present a more pragmatic and inclusive image, underscore the urgency of the situation. Without urgent and comprehensive action, the country risks falling into the hands of a group whose ideology and governance model are antithetical to peace, stability, and human rights. The Somali government, regional actors, and the international community must act now to prevent a Taliban-style takeover that would have catastrophic consequences for Somalia and the world. The status quo is unsustainable, and the time for dramatic change is running out.

Open Letter to the Somali Federal Member States (FMS), International Community, Parliaments, and Human Rights Organizations

Subject: In Defense of Somali Federal Parliamentarian Abdullahi Hashi Abib

Dear FMS, Members of the International Community, Parliaments, and Human Rights Organizations,

We, at Warsame Digital Media (WDM), write to you with grave concern regarding the ongoing efforts to undermine and silence one of Somalia’s most dedicated public servants, Parliamentarian Abdullahi Hashi Abib @MPDrAbib (abib.parliament.gov.so). His unwavering commitment to combating corruption, promoting transparency, and defending human rights has made him a beacon of hope for the Somali people. However, his principled stance has also made him a target of those who seek to perpetuate maladministration and impunity.

Abdullahi Hashi Abib has consistently exposed corruption, malpractices, and the misappropriation of public resources in Mogadishu. His courage in holding the powerful accountable has earned him the respect of countless Somalis who yearn for good governance and the rule of law. Yet, instead of being celebrated for his efforts, he is now facing an unjust and unconstitutional campaign to strip him of his parliamentary immunity and expel him from the Federal Parliament.

The Speaker of the Parliament, Sheikh Aden Madoobe, in collaboration with Federal President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, is spearheading this effort to remove Abib from his position. This move is not only a blatant violation of parliamentary procedures but also a direct attack on the principles of democracy, accountability, and freedom of speech. It sets a dangerous precedent that threatens the integrity of Somalia’s fledgling democratic institutions and undermines the fight against corruption.

We urge the FMS, international community, parliaments, and human rights organizations to:

  1. Condemn the Unconstitutional Actions Against Abib: The attempt to strip Abdullahi Hashi Abib of his parliamentary immunity is a clear violation of Somalia’s constitutional framework and international democratic standards. We call on you to publicly denounce this move and demand that due process be followed.
  2. Protect Freedom of Speech and Accountability: Abib’s work as an anti-corruption advocate and human rights defender is essential for Somalia’s progress. Silencing him would send a chilling message to other reformers and activists. We urge you to stand in solidarity with Abib and all those who fight for transparency and justice in Somalia.
  3. Investigate the Allegations of Political Retaliation: The actions against Abib appear to be politically motivated and aimed at stifling dissent. We call for an independent investigation into these allegations to ensure that Somalia’s democratic institutions are not hijacked for personal or political gain.
  4. Support Somalia’s Democratic Institutions: The international community has invested heavily in rebuilding Somalia’s governance structures. Allowing the persecution of a parliamentarian for holding the government accountable would undermine these efforts. We urge you to reaffirm your commitment to strengthening Somalia’s democracy and rule of law.

Abdullahi Hashi Abib’s work is not just for the benefit of Somalia but for the entire international community that supports peace, stability, and good governance in the region. His removal from Parliament would be a significant setback for the fight against corruption and the protection of human rights in Somalia.

We call on you to act swiftly and decisively to ensure that Abdullahi Hashi Abib is allowed to continue his vital work without fear of retribution. The Somali people deserve leaders who are committed to justice and accountability, and Abib is one of those rare leaders.

Sincerely,
Warsame Digital Media (WDM)
Advocates for Transparency, Accountability, and Human Rights in Somalia

The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Examining Historical Narratives and Contemporary Realities

Balfour Declaration of 1917

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, rooted in deep historical grievances and complex socio-political realities, continues to have significant impacts on both Israeli and Palestinian populations. Among the numerous historical documents associated with this conflict, the Balfour Declaration of 1917 stands out as a pivotal moment that sought to establish a Jewish homeland in Palestine. However, rather than leading to lasting peace for Jewish settlers, the Declaration initiated a series of conflicts that have persisted for over a century. Moreover, the narrative surrounding the perceived vulnerability of the Jewish Diaspora and its reliance on the State of Israel for protection is often overstated and warrants reevaluation.

The Balfour Declaration and Its Aftermath

1. A Promised Land and Its Discontents: The Balfour Declaration, which declared British support for a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine, did not bring about peace for Jewish settlers. Instead, it marked the beginning of escalating tensions between Jewish and Arab populations in the region. The influx of Jewish immigrants, motivated by aspirations for a homeland, was met with resistance from the local Arab population, resulting in violent confrontations and deep-seated animosity. The conflict over land and national identity laid the groundwork for decades of violence, dislocation, and suffering.

2. Ongoing Conflict: The establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 further intensified these tensions. The resulting Arab-Israeli War led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and solidified divisions that have rendered peace elusive. The historical context that began with the Balfour Declaration continues to be a significant factor in the enduring struggle for both Israelis and Palestinians, complicating prospects for resolution.

Overstated Vulnerability of the Jewish Diaspora

1. Diaspora Security and State of Israel: One commonly held belief among proponents of Zionism is that the Jewish Diaspora, particularly in North America and Europe, is inherently vulnerable to anti-Semitic attacks that can lead to persecution or even expulsion if not for the existence of the State of Israel. However, this notion is often overstated and lacks substantial grounding. Many Jewish communities around the world have thrived in multicultural societies, integrating into various cultures while maintaining their identity and religious practices.

2. The Role of Community and Solidarity: The resilience and vibrancy of Jewish communities in the diaspora demonstrate that, while anti-Semitism exists and is indeed a significant concern, the idea that their existence hinges solely on the State of Israel is simplistic. Numerous Jewish organizations, advocacy groups, and community networks have effectively promoted awareness, education, and solidarity on issues related to anti-Semitism, working tirelessly to combat hate and discrimination without relying entirely on Israeli governmental support.

3. Complications of Conflict: Moreover, conflating Jewish identity only with support for the State of Israel can undermine essential dialogue about Judaism and its diverse expressions. This perspective can alienate those within the Jewish diaspora who are critical of Israeli policies or advocate for Palestinian rights while emphasizing their Jewish identity. The diversity within Jewish communities worldwide showcases a range of responses to anti-Semitism that do not depend exclusively on the existence of the State of Israel.

4. International Advocacy and Human Rights: The pursuit of human rights, justice, and anti-discrimination is a cause that transcends borders. Jewish communities often engage with human rights organizations and coalitions that advocate for the rights of marginalized groups, including Palestinians, thus contributing to a broader discourse on justice and peace. In this context, the protection of Jewish communities does not necessitate the political state’s policies or the military actions that often exacerbate tensions in the region.

A Thoughtful Path Forward

Rather than relying on an overstated narrative of fragility, Israel and Jewish communities worldwide might benefit from embracing a more nuanced understanding of identity, security, and historical context. To foster peace and mutual understanding, several strategies can be employed:

1. Reevaluating National Identity and Security: Israel and the Jewish diaspora must strive for a national identity that embraces the values of coexistence, multiculturalism, and respect for diversity. Initiatives that promote interfaith dialogue and collaboration can enhance understanding and reduce tensions within Israel and across Jewish communities globally.

2. Humanitarian Focus: The protection of human rights for all populations, regardless of ethnicity or religion, should form the cornerstone of a new vision for peace. Fostering partnerships with organizations advocating for Palestinian rights can enhance the narrative of justice and coexistence, illustrating that the well-being of one community does not necessitate the detriment of another.

3. Dialogue and Education: Active dialogue that includes diverse perspectives from both Jewish and Palestinian communities can provide a platform for understanding, healing, and reconciliation. Educational initiatives that emphasize shared histories and narratives can cultivate respect and empathy.

4. Support for Peace Initiatives: Encouraging grassroots efforts that promote reconciliation through peacebuilding initiatives can help bridge divides. Support for organizations working toward coexistence can build trust and foster relationships between communities.

Conclusion

The Balfour Declaration was a pivotal moment that did not yield the peace and security anticipated for Jewish settlers in Palestine. Similarly, the narrative surrounding the need for the State of Israel as essential to the safety of the Jewish diaspora requires reevaluation. Rather than framing security solely in the context of political power and military strength, a more holistic approach that emphasizes mutual respect, coexistence, and shared humanity can pave the way for a lasting resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. By focusing on empathy, understanding, and the complexities of identity, both Israel and the broader Jewish community can work toward a future characterized by peace, stability, and mutual recognition.

The Corruption Quagmire: Why Mogadishu Needs a Radical Overhaul

Niccolò Machiavelli, the Renaissance political philosopher, once observed that when a city becomes too corrupt, it can not be reformed through incremental measures. Instead, it requires a radical overhaul of its socioeconomic structures to break free from the cycle of decay. This observation, made centuries ago, resonates eerily with the current state of Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia. Mogadishu, a city once known as the “Pearl of the Indian Ocean,” has been ravaged by decades of conflict, weak governance, and systemic corruption. Today, it stands as a stark example of a city too corrupt to reform through conventional means. The only viable solution lies in a profound transformation of its political, economic, and social foundations—a transformation that must include the return of looted properties, compensation for those harmed, and a comprehensive national reconciliation process to address past grievances and injustices.

The Depth of Corruption in Mogadishu

Corruption in Mogadishu is not merely a problem; it is the system itself. From the highest echelons of government to the lowest levels of bureaucracy, graft, embezzlement, and bribery have become normalized. Public funds meant for infrastructure, healthcare, and education are routinely siphoned off by officials. International aid, which is critical for the city’s survival, often ends up in the hands of warlords and corrupt elites rather than reaching the people who need it most. This pervasive corruption has eroded public trust in institutions and perpetuated a cycle of poverty and instability.

The judiciary, which should serve as a check on power, is itself compromised. Laws are selectively enforced, and justice is often available only to those who can afford to pay for it. This lack of accountability has created an environment where impunity thrives, and corruption becomes self-reinforcing. The result is a city where the rule of law is weak, and the social contract between the state and its citizens is all but broken.

The Failure of Incremental Reforms

Over the years, there have been numerous attempts to reform Mogadishu’s corrupt systems. International organizations, foreign governments, and local activists have pushed for anti-corruption measures, transparency initiatives, and governance reforms. While these efforts have had some limited success, they have largely failed to address the root causes of corruption. This is because corruption in Mogadishu is not just a matter of individual wrongdoing; it is embedded in the very fabric of the city’s socioeconomic structures.

Incremental reforms, such as strengthening anti-corruption laws or increasing oversight, are insufficient in a context where the entire system is designed to facilitate corruption. For example, even if a corrupt official is removed, the underlying structures that enabled their corruption remain intact, and another individual will simply take their place. This is why Machiavelli’s insight is so relevant: when corruption becomes systemic, piecemeal reforms are doomed to fail.

The Case for Radical Overhaul

If Mogadishu is to break free from the grip of corruption, it needs a radical overhaul of its socioeconomic structures. This means rethinking the way power is distributed, resources are allocated, and institutions are governed. Such a transformation would require bold and visionary leadership, both from within Somalia and from the international community.

  1. Political Restructuring: The current political system in Mogadishu is deeply flawed, with power concentrated in the hands of a few elites who use their positions for personal gain. A radical overhaul would involve decentralizing power and creating more inclusive governance structures. This could include empowering local communities, establishing independent oversight bodies, and ensuring that political leaders are held accountable for their actions.
  2. Economic Transformation: Corruption in Mogadishu is fueled by a lack of economic opportunities and widespread poverty. A radical overhaul would involve creating a more equitable economic system that provides opportunities for all citizens. This could include investing in education and job creation, supporting small businesses, and ensuring that natural resources are managed transparently and for the benefit of the entire population.
  3. Social Renewal: Corruption has eroded social trust and cohesion in Mogadishu. A radical overhaul would involve rebuilding the social fabric of the city by promoting civic engagement, fostering a culture of accountability, and addressing the grievances of marginalized groups. This could include initiatives to promote dialogue and reconciliation, as well as efforts to strengthen civil society.

Addressing Past Injustices: Property Restitution and Compensation

One of the most pressing issues facing Mogadishu is the widespread looting of public and private properties during the civil war. Homes, businesses, and lands were seized by warlords, militias, and corrupt officials, leaving countless residents displaced and destitute. Any effort to reform Mogadishu must include a comprehensive plan to return these properties to their rightful owners and compensate those who have been harmed.

This process will not be easy. It will require a transparent and impartial mechanism to verify claims, resolve disputes, and ensure that justice is served. However, it is a necessary step to restore trust in the government and provide a sense of closure to those who have suffered. The return of looted properties and compensation for victims will also help to stimulate economic recovery by allowing individuals and businesses to rebuild their lives and livelihoods.

National Reconciliation: Healing the Wounds of the Past

In addition to addressing material losses, Mogadishu must also confront the deep-seated grievances and injustices that have fueled decades of conflict. National reconciliation is essential to healing the wounds of the past and building a more inclusive and peaceful society. This process should involve:

  • Truth-Telling: Creating platforms for victims and perpetrators to share their stories and acknowledge the wrongs that have been committed.
  • Justice and Accountability: Ensuring that those responsible for war crimes and human rights abuses are held accountable, while also providing opportunities for restorative justice.
  • Inclusive Dialogue: Engaging all segments of society, including women, youth, and marginalized communities, in the reconciliation process to ensure that all voices are heard.

National reconciliation will not happen overnight, but it is a critical component of any effort to rebuild Mogadishu. Without addressing the injustices of the past, the city will remain trapped in a cycle of resentment and conflict.

The Role of the International Community

The international community has a critical role to play in supporting Mogadishu’s transformation. This includes providing financial and technical assistance, but it also means holding Somali leaders accountable for their actions. Too often, foreign aid has been used to prop up corrupt regimes, perpetuating the very problems it is meant to solve. The international community must adopt a more principled approach, tying aid to concrete reforms and supporting local initiatives that promote transparency and accountability.

Conclusion

Mogadishu stands at a crossroads. It can continue down the path of corruption and decay, or it can embrace the radical overhaul needed to build a more just and prosperous future. As Machiavelli understood, there are times when incremental reforms are not enough. For Mogadishu, that time has come. The city’s survival depends on its ability to confront corruption head-on, return looted properties, compensate those who have been harmed, and embark on a process of national reconciliation to address past grievances. This will not be easy, but it is the only way to break free from the cycle of corruption and create a brighter future for the people of Mogadishu.

PUBLIC PROTESTS AT SIINKA DHEER OFF MOGADISHU – A DEVELOPING STORY

This video showcases the peaceful assembly of the residents of Siinka Dheer, a community now facing the imminent threat of displacement by local authorities. For three decades, these individuals have called this place their home, and they are now at risk of losing everything.

Their voices deserve attention, and their rights must be protected. Stand with them in their pursuit of justice and in their fight to preserve their homes and community.

White Paper: Challenges to Unity and Stability in Somalia

Executive Summary

Somalia is currently at a critical juncture, facing an array of challenges that threaten its unity and the sovereignty of the Somali state. Allegations of maladministration, corruption, cronyism, and nepotism within the Somali Federal Government (SFG) undermine effective governance and exacerbate existing divisions among Somalia’s political factions and Federal Member States (FMS). These tensions are compounded by the re-emergence of extremist groups such as Al-Shabaab and ISIS, which exploit the fragile political environment. This white paper analyzes the factors contributing to Somalia’s instability, the implications of potential national disintegration, and offers recommendations for fostering national unity and restoring faith in governance.

Introduction

Since the collapse of the Siad Barre regime in 1991, Somalia has grappled with political fragmentation, civil conflict, and a lack of effective governance. The establishment of the SFG in 2012 offered hope for a new era of stability; however, the ongoing issues of corruption, internal divisions, and the absence of national reconciliation have hindered progress. Recent developments, including Somaliland’s unilateral declaration of independence and Puntland’s withdrawal from cooperation with Mogadishu, signal an alarming trend toward fragmentation of the Somali state.

Current Challenges Facing Somalia

1. Corruption and Maladministration
The SFG has been accused of rampant corruption and nepotism, diminishing public trust in government institutions. Misappropriation of resources intended for development and basic services has exacerbated poverty and hindered reconstruction efforts.

2. Political Fragmentation
Internal divisions among Somalia’s Federal Member States have intensified, with significant rifts between the SFG and vital regions such as Puntland and Somaliland. This discord has impeded collaborative governance and undermined efforts to create a unified national identity.

3. Security Threats
The resurgence of extremist groups like Al-Shabaab and ISIS remains a critical threat. Political instability fosters an environment where these groups can thrive, targeting vulnerable populations and government forces. This cycle of violence further alienates FMS and weakens national security.

4. Historical Grievances and Lack of Reconciliation
The absence of a comprehensive reconciliation process after years of civil war has left deep-seated grievances between clans and regions unaddressed. This lingering resentment makes it challenging to foster a cohesive national identity.

5. Fear of Disintegration
The unilateral secession of Somaliland and Puntland’s cessation of collaboration with the SFG has fueled fears of national disintegration. These developments raise questions about the viability of the Somali state as a unified entity and threaten to redefine territorial boundaries.

Implications of National Disintegration

The potential disintegration of Somalia carries serious implications:

1. Humanitarian Crises: Escalating conflict could exacerbate displacement, poverty, and humanitarian needs, leading to greater instability in the Horn of Africa.
 
2. Regional Security Threats: A fragmented Somalia could create a vacuum for extremist groups, influencing regional stability and security dynamics.
 
3. International Relations: Diplomatic efforts to engage Somalia in the global community could be hindered, limiting access to aid, investment, and cooperation on myriad issues.

Recommendations

1. Establish a Transparent Governance Framework
The SFG should prioritize combating corruption through transparent governance mechanisms, accountability measures, and promoting the rule of law. Building institutions that prioritize merit-based appointments will strengthen public trust and legitimacy.

2. Facilitate Dialogue Among Federal Member States
A facilitated dialogue process among FMS, inclusive of local stakeholders, is vital to addressing grievances and fostering collaboration with the SFG. Initiatives that encourage negotiation and mutual respect can help restore confidence in a unified Somali state.

3. Promote National Reconciliation Efforts
Comprehensive reconciliation initiatives involving traditional leaders, civil society, and women, must be prioritized to address historical grievances. Truth and reconciliation commissions can offer platforms for healing and rebuilding social cohesion.

4. Strengthen Security Sector Reform
Reforming the security sector to promote capability and accountability is essential for national stability. International support for training and equipping Somali forces can enhance their effectiveness against extremist threats.

5. Engage the International Community
Somalia must actively engage with local and international partners to secure support for political and economic initiatives. Building alliances can help bolster the SFG’s legitimacy and facilitate necessary resources for development and security.

Conclusion

The challenges facing Somalia are multifaceted, requiring a comprehensive and unified approach to governance, security, and national reconciliation. Failing to address these issues could lead to further fragmentation and loss of sovereignty. By fostering dialogue, promoting transparency, and investing in national reconciliation, Somalia can work toward unity, stability, and a more hopeful future for its citizens.

Call to Action

It is imperative that Somali leaders, citizens, and international partners recognize the urgency of these challenges and work collaboratively to preserve the integrity of the Somali state. Inaction risks not only the national fabric of Somalia but also stability in the broader Horn of Africa region.

Mogadishu’s Siinka Dheer Residents Targeted by Their Own Government

Warsame Digital Media  WDM

Mogadishu, March 12, 2025 – The Somali Federal Government is under scrutiny for allegedly allocating a significant portion of land in Siinka Dheer to a privileged subclan family and select private individuals, according to reliable sources. Siinka Dheer, a region encompassing approximately 10,700 plots of land, is home to around 80,000 residents, 99% of whom are locals who fled the hardships of life in Mogadishu. Located strategically 16 kilometers between Mogadishu and Afgooye, the area has become a flashpoint for controversy as residents face displacement and exploitation.

Land Misappropriation and Corruption

Reports indicate that prominent individuals, including government officials, have been granted plots of land in Siinka Dheer through questionable means. Among those named are:

  • Faarax Macalin
  • Cabdi Dheere
  • Cabdullaahi Sanbalooshe, Director of the National Intelligence Service Agency (NISA)

Each plot is reportedly being sold for between 5,000 and 8,000 USD, with allegations of a pay-to-access scheme shielding wealthy individuals from scrutiny. This has effectively barred ordinary residents from accessing or claiming land without government approval, further marginalizing an already vulnerable population.

Dire Living Conditions

The residents of Siinka Dheer are among the most impoverished in the region, with 98% living in destitute conditions and makeshift shelters. A spokesperson for the community expressed their desperation, stating that their only hope for intervention now lies with extremist groups like Al-Shabaab, highlighting the extent of their disillusionment with the government.

Power Imbalances and Resource Control

The situation in Siinka Dheer contrasts sharply with other regions, such as Dayniile and Oodweyne, where powerful subclans maintain control over local resources through heavy armament. Public properties, including former projects like Digaaga, Gosha, and Gandiga, have reportedly been forcefully occupied by these subclans, further exacerbating inequality and resource disparities.

Governance and Equity Concerns

The ongoing land allocation crisis in Siinka Dheer raises critical questions about governance, equity, and the protection of vulnerable populations in Somalia. The residents find themselves trapped in a cycle of political patronage and economic deprivation, with little recourse to challenge the injustices they face.

Call for Immediate Action

The plight of Siinka Dheer’s residents underscores the urgent need for transparency, accountability, and equitable resource distribution in Somalia. Immediate intervention is required to address these systemic issues and ensure that the rights of all citizens, particularly the most vulnerable, are upheld. Without swift action, the situation risks further destabilizing the region and deepening public mistrust in government institutions.

As the story develops, it serves as a stark reminder of the challenges facing Somalia in its pursuit of stability and justice. The international community and local stakeholders must work together to address these pressing concerns and safeguard the future of Siinka Dheer’s residents.

The Weakness of Puntland Leadership in the War Against ISIS-Somalia and Al-Shabab

The Puntland State of Somalia is engaged in a critical and multifaceted war against two of the most dangerous extremist groups in the region: ISIS-Somalia and Al-Shabab. This conflict is not only a military struggle but also a battle of ideologies and narratives. While Puntland’s security forces have shown resilience and determination in the Calmiskaad mountains and other fronts, the leadership’s inability to develop a consistent and organized narrative, coupled with strategic shortcomings, has significantly diluted its overall war effort. This failure undermines the sacrifices of its soldiers, the contributions of its diaspora, and the trust of its citizens.

1. Lack of a Coherent Narrative

One of the most glaring weaknesses of Puntland’s leadership is the absence of a clear, consistent, and compelling narrative to counter the propaganda of ISIS-Somalia and Al-Shabab. Extremist groups thrive on exploiting ideological vacuums and spreading fear through their messaging. Puntland’s administration has failed to articulate a unified counter-narrative that exposes the extremists’ falsehoods, highlights the government’s successes, and reassures the public of its commitment to victory. This lack of communication has allowed extremist groups to dominate the information space, radicalize vulnerable populations, and erode public confidence in the government’s ability to protect its people.

2. Inconsistent Public Information Campaigns

The Puntland government has not implemented a reliable public information strategy to keep citizens informed about its military operations, achievements, and challenges. Transparency is crucial in building trust and rallying public support, yet the administration has been opaque about its efforts. This silence has created room for misinformation, rumors, and even sabotage by external actors, such as reports of the Federal Government of Somalia undermining Puntland’s campaigns. Without a robust public information apparatus, Puntland’s leadership risks losing the moral high ground and alienating its own population.

3. Failure to Fully Leverage Diaspora Contributions

The Puntland diaspora has been a vital asset in the war effort, mobilizing resources, raising awareness, and advocating for international support. However, the leadership has not fully harnessed this potential. There is no organized framework to coordinate diaspora contributions effectively, nor has the government consistently engaged with its diaspora to align their efforts with its strategic goals. This lack of coordination represents a missed opportunity to amplify Puntland’s voice on the global stage and strengthen its capacity to combat extremism.

4. Strategic Shortcomings in Military Operations

While Puntland’s security forces have demonstrated bravery, the leadership’s strategic approach to the war has been reactive rather than proactive. The absence of a long-term, comprehensive strategy to degrade and dismantle extremist networks has allowed ISIS-Somalia and Al-Shabab to regroup and adapt. The focus on military operations alone, without integrating ideological, economic, and social countermeasures, has limited the effectiveness of the campaign. The government must adopt a holistic approach that addresses the root causes of extremism, such as poverty, unemployment, and lack of education, to achieve lasting peace.

5. Alleged Federal Government Sabotage and Lack of Response

Reports of the Federal Government of Somalia undermining Puntland’s efforts against ISIS-Somalia and Al-Shabab, if proven, represent a grave national betrayal. However, Puntland’s leadership has not adequately addressed these allegations or taken decisive action to counteract such sabotage. This perceived inaction weakens Puntland’s position and raises questions about its ability to safeguard its sovereignty and security. The administration must confront this issue head-on, either through diplomatic channels or by rallying international support to hold the Federal Government accountable.

6. Weak Coordination with Local Communities

Local communities are critical allies in the fight against extremism, yet Puntland’s leadership has not effectively engaged with them. Building trust and collaboration with community leaders, elders, and religious figures is essential to counter radicalization and gather intelligence. The government’s failure to foster strong relationships with these stakeholders has hindered its ability to isolate extremists and win the hearts and minds of the population.

Conclusion

The war against ISIS-Somalia and Al-Shabab is a defining challenge for Puntland, requiring not only military strength but also strategic vision, effective communication, and strong leadership. Unfortunately, the Puntland administration’s weaknesses in these areas have compromised its ability to achieve decisive victory. To turn the tide, the leadership must develop a coherent narrative, implement a robust public information strategy, fully leverage diaspora contributions, adopt a comprehensive counter-extremism approach, address external sabotage, and strengthen ties with local communities. Only then can Puntland hope to defeat the extremists and secure a peaceful future for its people. The time for action is now; failure is not an option.

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WDM goes beyond headlines, weaving Somalia’s historical, political, and cultural context into its reporting. By providing nuanced analysis and connecting past and present, it equips readers with a deeper understanding of complex societal challenges.

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Why Supporting WDM Means Championing Fearless, Unbiased Journalism


Warsame Digital Media (WDM)
March 12, 2025


Introduction:
In an era where media integrity is increasingly threatened by political agendas and financial interests, Warsame Digital Media (WDM) emerges as a steadfast beacon of truth. Picture a platform where journalism operates without fear—exposing injustices, uncovering untold stories, and empowering communities. This is the essence of WDM. In regions like Somalia, where press freedom is under constant siege, our mission transcends mere reporting—it’s a revolutionary act of defiance. Will you join us in defending independent journalism and the pursuit of truth?


Why WDM Matters:
WDM is not just a media outlet; it’s a movement. Our journalists brave immense risks to bring you stories others avoid—whether it’s investigating corruption, amplifying marginalized voices, or shedding light on human rights abuses. By integrating historical context into contemporary reporting, we provide readers with a deeper understanding of societal issues, empowering them to drive meaningful change. Your support is the lifeline that sustains this courage.


What We Offer:

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Closing Statement:
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Exposing the Illegal Land Grabbing and Misappropriation of Public Properties Under Somalia’s Current Administration: A Systemic Failure of Governance and Media


Since the collapse of the Somali state in 1991, Mogadishu has been a city plagued by chaos, lawlessness, and the systematic plunder of both private and public properties. The absence of a functioning central government created a vacuum in which powerful warlords, militias, and unscrupulous individuals seized land and assets with impunity. Decades later, Somalia’s capital continues to grapple with the legacy of this lawlessness, but what is even more alarming is that the current administration under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Prime Minister Hamse Abdi Barre is now allegedly orchestrating a new wave of illegal land grabs and misappropriation of public properties—this time under the guise of governance. These actions are not only a continuation of past injustices but also a symptom of the systemic dysfunction of all branches of the Somali government and the failure of local media to expose these gross human rights violations happening daily in Mogadishu. This failure has profound implications for national reconciliation, counterterrorism efforts, and the future of the Somali state.
A Legacy of Chaos and Plunder
The collapse of the Somali state in 1991 ushered in an era of anarchy, where public and private properties were seized by force, and the rule of law was replaced by the rule of the gun. Mogadishu, once a thriving capital, became a battleground for warlords and militias who carved up the city for their own benefit. Public lands, government buildings, and even schools and hospitals were looted, destroyed, or repurposed for personal gain. This period of lawlessness left a deep scar on the city and its inhabitants, with many families displaced and public infrastructure left in ruins.
The Promise of Restoration and Accountability
When Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was first elected president in 2012, there was hope that his administration would bring stability, accountability, and the rule of law to Somalia. His election marked the end of a long transitional period and was seen as a step toward rebuilding the Somali state. However, under his current administration, which began in 2022, there are growing allegations that the government is not only failing to address the legacy of land grabbing but is actively participating in the illegal seizure and misappropriation of public properties.
The Current Administration’s Role in Land Grabbing
Multiple reports and eyewitness accounts suggest that the current administration is engaging in the outright and shameless misappropriation of public lands and properties without following due process. Unlike the chaotic land grabs of the 1990s, these actions are allegedly being carried out under the cover of government authority, with no transparency, public accountability, or adherence to legal procedures.
1. Illegal Allocation of Public Lands
Public lands, including prime real estate in Mogadishu, are being allocated to individuals and entities with close ties to the government. These allocations are reportedly made without public auctions, competitive bidding, or any form of open process. In many cases, the beneficiaries are high-ranking officials, their relatives, or business associates. This blatant favouritism not only undermines public trust but also deprives the government of much-needed revenue that could be used for public services and infrastructure development.
2. Lack of Transparency and Accountability
The administration has failed to provide any public accounting of how these lands and properties are being allocated. There is no transparency in the decision-making process, and no efforts have been made to involve local communities or stakeholders. This lack of accountability has created an environment where corruption thrives, and public resources are treated as private assets.
3. Displacement of Vulnerable Communities
The illegal allocation of public lands has led to the displacement of vulnerable communities, many of whom have lived on these lands for decades. Without legal protections or recourse, these communities are being forcibly evicted, often with no compensation or alternative housing. This has exacerbated the humanitarian crisis in Mogadishu, where thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) are already struggling to survive.
4. Undermining the Rule of Law
The actions of the current administration are a direct violation of Somalia’s provisional constitution, which guarantees the protection of public property and mandates that all government actions be conducted with transparency and accountability. By flouting these principles, the government is undermining the rule of law and setting a dangerous precedent for future administrations.
The Dysfunction of All Branches of Government
The illegal land grabbing and misappropriation of public properties are not isolated incidents but rather symptoms of a broader systemic failure of governance. All branches of the Somali government—executive, legislative, and judicial—have failed to address this epidemic of maladministration.
1. Executive Branch: Complicity and Inaction
The executive branch, led by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Prime Minister Hamse Abdi Barre, has been accused of complicity in the illegal allocation of public lands and properties. Instead of taking action to stop these practices, the administration has allegedly facilitated them, with high-ranking officials benefiting directly or indirectly. The executive branch has also failed to enforce existing laws and regulations designed to protect public property and ensure transparency.
2. Legislative Branch: Lack of Oversight
The Somali Parliament, which is supposed to provide oversight and hold the executive branch accountable, has largely been silent on the issue of land grabbing and misappropriation of public properties. There have been no significant investigations, hearings, or legislative actions to address these abuses. This lack of oversight has allowed the executive branch to operate with impunity, further eroding public trust in government institutions.
3. Judicial Branch: Weak and Compromised
The judiciary, which is supposed to uphold the rule of law and provide a check on the other branches of government, has been weak and compromised. Corruption within the judiciary has made it difficult for victims of land grabbing to seek justice, and there have been few, if any, prosecutions of those involved in illegal land grabs. The judiciary’s inability to hold perpetrators accountable has perpetuated a culture of impunity.
The Failure of Somali Local Media
One of the most troubling aspects of this crisis is the failure of Somali local media to expose these gross human rights violations happening daily in Mogadishu. The media, which should serve as a watchdog and a voice for the voiceless, has largely been silent or complicit in the face of these abuses. Here’s why:
1. Intimidation and Threats
Journalists in Somalia face significant risks, including intimidation, harassment, and even violence, when they attempt to report on sensitive issues such as land grabbing and government corruption. Many journalists fear for their safety and choose to self-censor rather than risk retaliation.
2. Lack of Resources
Somali media outlets often operate with limited resources, making it difficult for them to conduct in-depth investigations or provide comprehensive coverage of complex issues like land grabbing. Many outlets rely on government advertising or funding, which can create conflicts of interest and discourage critical reporting.
3. Political and Economic Pressures
Media outlets in Somalia are often subject to political and economic pressures that influence their coverage. Some outlets are owned or controlled by individuals with close ties to the government or other powerful actors, leading to biased reporting or the suppression of stories that could embarrass those in power.
4. Lack of Professionalism
While there are many dedicated and professional journalists in Somalia, the media sector as a whole suffers from a lack of training, ethical standards, and editorial independence. This has resulted in inconsistent and often superficial coverage of critical issues.
The Broader Implications
The illegal misappropriation of public properties under the current administration has far-reaching implications for Somalia’s future. It undermines efforts to rebuild the state, erodes public trust in government institutions, and perpetuates a culture of impunity. Moreover, it deprives the country of valuable resources that could be used to address pressing issues such as poverty, unemployment, and infrastructure development.
A Barrier to National Reconciliation
One of the most devastating consequences of these illegal activities is their impact on national reconciliation. Since the civil war, Somalia has struggled to heal the deep divisions and grievances that fueled the conflict. Land grabbing and the misappropriation of public properties are among the main reasons why national reconciliation has been so difficult to achieve. Here’s why:
1. Perpetuation of Historical Injustices
The illegal seizure of land and property is a continuation of the injustices that have plagued Somalia since the collapse of the state. Many of the individuals and groups involved in these activities are the same ones who profited from the chaos of the 1990s. By allowing these practices to continue, the current administration is perpetuating the cycle of exploitation and marginalization that has fueled conflict and division.
2. Erosion of Trust in Government
National reconciliation requires a government that is seen as fair, just, and accountable. The current administration’s involvement in illegal land grabs and misappropriation of public properties undermines trust in government institutions and makes it difficult to build the consensus needed for reconciliation. When the government is seen as part of the problem rather than the solution, it becomes nearly impossible to bring different factions and communities together.
3. Displacement and Marginalization
The displacement of vulnerable communities as a result of illegal land grabs exacerbates existing grievances and creates new ones. Many of these communities have already suffered greatly during the Civil War and its aftermath. Forcing them off their land without compensation or alternative housing only deepens their sense of injustice and alienation, making reconciliation even more difficult.
4. Impunity and the Rule of Law
The lack of accountability for those involved in illegal land grabs sends a message that impunity reigns supreme. This undermines efforts to establish the rule of law, which is essential for national reconciliation. Without justice and accountability, it is impossible to address the root causes of conflict and build a society based on trust and mutual respect.
The Impact on Counterterrorism Efforts
The rampant corruption and state theft under the current administration also severely undermine efforts to combat terrorist groups like Al-Shabaab and ISIS. Here’s how:
1. Undermining Public Support
Effective counterterrorism efforts require the support and cooperation of the local population. However, when the government is seen as corrupt and self-serving, it loses the trust and support of the people. This makes it difficult to gather intelligence, mobilize communities against extremists, and build the social cohesion needed to counter radicalization.
2. Resource Diversion
The misappropriation of public resources deprives the government of the funds needed to strengthen security forces, provide essential services, and address the root causes of extremism. Instead of investing in counterterrorism, public funds are being siphoned off for personal gain, leaving the country vulnerable to terrorist attacks.
3. Fueling Grievances
Corruption and state theft exacerbate the grievances that terrorist groups like Al-Shabaab exploit to recruit new members. When communities are displaced, marginalized, and denied justice, they become more susceptible to the propaganda of extremist groups. The current administration’s actions are effectively playing into the hands of terrorists by creating an environment of injustice and despair.
4. Weakening State Institutions
The erosion of trust in government institutions weakens the state’s ability to respond to security threats. When the rule of law is undermined, and corruption is rampant, it becomes difficult to build effective and accountable security forces. This creates a security vacuum that terrorist groups can exploit to expand their influence.
A Call for Action
The international community, civil society organizations, and the Somali people must hold the current administration accountable for its actions. The following steps are urgently needed:
• Independent Investigation: An independent commission should be established to investigate allegations of land grabbing and misappropriation of public properties. This commission should have the authority to subpoena documents, interview witnesses, and make recommendations for legal action.
• Transparency and Accountability: The government must immediately halt all illegal allocations of public lands and properties. A transparent and accountable process should be established for the allocation of public assets, with full public participation and oversight.
• Legal Reforms: Somalia’s legal framework must be strengthened to protect public properties and ensure that those responsible for illegal land grabs are held accountable. This includes enacting laws that criminalize the misappropriation of public assets and establishing mechanisms for the recovery of stolen properties.
• Support for Affected Communities: The government must provide compensation and alternative housing for communities that have been displaced as a result of illegal land grabs. This should be done in consultation with affected communities and with the support of international partners.
• National Reconciliation Efforts: The government must prioritize national reconciliation by addressing the grievances of those affected by land grabs and other injustices. This includes creating platforms for dialogue, promoting justice and accountability, and ensuring that all communities have a voice in the rebuilding process.
• Strengthening Counterterrorism Efforts: The government must prioritize the fight against Al-Shabaab and ISIS by addressing the root causes of extremism, strengthening security forces, and building public trust. This requires a commitment to transparency, accountability, and the rule of law.
• Reforming Government Institutions: All branches of government must be reformed to ensure they are effective, accountable, and free from corruption. This includes strengthening the judiciary, empowering the legislature to provide effective oversight, and ensuring that the executive branch operates with transparency and integrity.
• Empowering the Media: The Somali media must be empowered to play its role as a watchdog and a voice for the voiceless. This includes providing training and resources for journalists, protecting press freedom, and ensuring that media outlets are independent and free from political and economic pressures.
Conclusion
The illegal land grabbing and misappropriation of public properties under the current administration of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Hamse Abdi Barre represent a betrayal of the Somali people’s trust and a setback for the country’s recovery. These actions are not only a continuation of past injustices but also a symptom of the systemic dysfunction of all branches of the Somali government and the failure of local media to expose these gross human rights violations. If left unchecked, they will perpetuate the cycle of corruption and impunity that has plagued Somalia for decades. It is time for the Somali people and the international community to demand accountability and ensure that public resources are used for the public good, not the personal enrichment of a few. The future of Somalia depends on it

White Paper: Exploring Asymmetrical Federalism and Confederalism in the Somali Context

Executive Summary
Somalia’s governance crisis demands innovative solutions. This paper evaluates asymmetrical federalism alongside a confederal system as potential pathways to address constitutional violations, federal-state discord, and security threats. While a confederal model prioritizes maximal decentralization, asymmetrical federalism offers a middle ground, granting tailored autonomy to regions like Somaliland, Puntland, and Jubaland while preserving a unified state. Both models present opportunities and risks, requiring careful calibration to Somalia’s complex realities.


1. Alternative Model: Asymmetrical Federalism

Definition:
Asymmetrical federalism allows for variable autonomy among member states, recognizing historical, cultural, or political differences. Unlike classical federalism (uniform powers) or confederalism (state supremacy), it enables negotiated, region-specific arrangements under a shared constitutional framework.

Examples:

  • Canada: Quebec has distinct language and civil law privileges.
  • Spain: Catalonia and the Basque Country enjoy fiscal and linguistic autonomy.
  • India: Jammu and Kashmir (pre-2019) and Northeastern states had special status.

1.1 Key Features

  • Flexible Power-Sharing: Core federal functions (defense, currency) remain centralized, while states negotiate additional powers (e.g., policing, resource management).
  • Constitutional Recognition: Legally enshrined differences (e.g., Somaliland’s unique status).
  • Equity Mechanisms: Redistributive policies to prevent disparities between stronger and weaker states.

2. Comparative Analysis: Federal vs. Confederal vs. Asymmetrical Federalism

AspectFederal SystemConfederal SystemAsymmetrical Federalism
SovereigntySharedRetained by statesShared, with variable autonomy
Power DistributionUniform regional powersFully decentralizedTailored to state needs
Conflict ResolutionConstitutional courtsConsensus-basedHybrid (courts + negotiation)
SecurityCentralized commandState-ledMixed (central oversight + local operations)

3. Opportunities of Asymmetrical Federalism for Somalia

3.1 Addressing Somaliland’s Secessionist Ambitions

  • Grant Somaliland constitutionally recognized autonomy (e.g., control over security, customs, and education) while retaining symbolic ties to Somalia (e.g., flag, international representation).
  • Example: Greenland’s self-rule within Denmark.

3.2 Resolving FG-FMS Deadlocks

  • Allow Puntland and Jubaland to negotiate enhanced powers (e.g., oil revenue sharing, local policing) without dismantling federal institutions.

3.3 Mitigating Fragmentation Risks

  • Maintain a unified military and foreign policy to counter Al-Shabaab/ISIS, while permitting states to manage local security operations.

3.4 Electoral Flexibility

  • Adopt region-specific electoral models (e.g., Somaliland’s hybrid clan-system elections) under federal oversight to break national deadlocks.

4. Challenges of Asymmetrical Federalism

4.1 Complexity in Governance

  • Negotiating and managing diverse agreements risks bureaucratic inefficiency and legal contradictions.

4.2 Inter-State Resentment

  • States with fewer privileges (e.g., Hirshabelle, Galmudug) may reject perceived inequities, fueling new conflicts.

4.3 Constitutional Legitimacy

  • Requires broad consensus to amend the PFC, which Mogadishu and distrustful FMS may resist.

4.4 External Exploitation

  • Adversaries like Al-Shabab could exploit governance disparities to destabilize weaker regions.

5. Recommendations

  1. Constitutional Convention:
    • Draft a new charter recognizing asymmetrical autonomy for Somaliland, Puntland, and Jubaland, while ensuring baseline federal protections for all states.
  2. Tiered Security Framework:
    • Centralize national defense and intelligence under the FG, while delegating counterterrorism operations to capable states (e.g., Puntland’s Darawish forces).
  3. Asymmetrical Resource-Sharing:
    • Let resource-rich states retain a higher share of revenues (e.g., Jubaland’s ports) but mandate contributions to a national cohesion fund.
  4. Phased Implementation:
    • Pilot asymmetrical agreements in Puntland and Somaliland with AU/UN mediation before nationwide rollout.
  5. Strengthen Federal Institutions:
    • Build impartial mechanisms (e.g., intergovernmental councils, courts) to resolve asymmetrical disputes.

6. Conclusion

Neither confederalism nor asymmetrical federalism alone can resolve Somalia’s crises. However, asymmetrical federalism offers a pragmatic compromise: it acknowledges Somalia’s diversity without abandoning unity. To succeed, it must be paired with guarantees of equity, robust conflict-resolution systems, and international support. Conversely, a confederal system risks institutionalizing fragmentation but could appeal if distrust in Mogadishu becomes irreparable. Somalia’s leaders must weigh these models against the catastrophic costs of inaction.


Endorsed by Warsame Digital Media
Date: March 11, 2025


This white paper underscores the urgency of reimagining Somalia’s governance. Whether through confederalism or asymmetrical federalism, the goal remains: a stable, inclusive Somalia capable of defeating extremism and fulfilling its people’s aspirations.

Administrative Parallels Between Presidents Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Said Abdullahi Deni: Absence, Power Vacuums, Governance Challenges

Somalia’s political landscape has long been defined by instability, insurgency, and fragile governance. In recent years, the leadership styles of Presidents Hassan Sheikh Mohamud of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and Said Abdullahi Deni of Puntland State have drawn scrutiny for a striking administrative commonality: their frequent and prolonged overseas travels. Both leaders’ absences from their respective seats of power have raised concerns about governance vacuums, internal power struggles, and the exploitation of political instability by armed groups and rival factions. This article examines the shared challenges posed by their leadership approaches and the implications for Somalia’s security and democratic processes.


Frequent Overseas Travels and Extended Absences

Both presidents have spent significant portions of their terms abroad, often during critical junctures for their administrations.

  • President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (FGS): Since returning to office in 2022, Mohamud has embarked on numerous international trips, including diplomatic engagements in Turkey, the UAE, Egypt, and Western nations. Critics estimate he has spent nearly half of his current term overseas, focusing on securing foreign support for Somalia’s fight against Al-Shabab and debt relief. While these goals are vital, his absence has coincided with escalating clan conflicts, delays in military operations, and disputes over federalism.
  • President Said Abdullahi Deni (Puntland): Deni’s administration has been similarly marked by extended stays in the UAE, reportedly consuming one-third of his term. His absences have overlapped with pivotal moments, such as tensions over Puntland’s opposition to Somalia’s centralization efforts and disputes about local elections. His prolonged departures have left key decisions to deputies and advisors, weakening oversight and coordination.

In both cases, the leaders’ physical distance has created administrative paralysis, with bureaucracies struggling to function without clear directives.


Power Vacuums and Internal Struggles

Leadership vacuums in Mogadishu and Garowe have fueled infighting among political elites and security actors. In Somalia’s clan-based political system, a president’s presence is often essential to mediate disputes and assert authority.

  • Mogadishu’s Challenges: During Mohamud’s trips, reports suggest that competing factions within the FGS have clashed over control of security operations, resource allocation, and negotiations with federal member states. Al-Shabab has capitalized on this disarray, launching bold attacks in regions where military coordination has faltered.
  • Puntland’s Dysfunction: In Deni’s absence, groups like Aaran Jaan (a small corrupt power-brokers) and Ilma Diyaano (a mutiny within the security forces) have intensified efforts to undermine Puntland’s stability. For instance, clashes in Garowe and Bosaso during 2023 election campaigns were exacerbated by Deni’s inability to mediate disputes. As a former member of Puntland’s Technical Committee for Federal Negotiations (TCFN), I witnessed firsthand how Deni’s absence derailed critical discussions on the One-Person-One-Vote (1P1V) elections. Without his leadership, logistical and political hurdles went unresolved, leading to my resignation from the committee and the eventual collapse of the electoral roadmap.

Security Crisis Demands Hands-On Leadership

Somalia remains in a state of war. Al-Shabab and ISIS-Somalia continue to control swathes of territory, and their resilience hinges on exploiting governance gaps. Both presidents have been absent during moments of acute crisis:

  • Mohamud’s overseas trips have often coincided with Al-Shabab offensives, such as the 2023 attacks in Galmudug and Hirshabelle. Military officials have complained of delayed approvals for operations and resources during his absences.
  • Deni’s stays in the UAE left Puntland’s security apparatus vulnerable to infiltration by militants and clan militias.

The analogy to President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed (1998–2004) is instructive. As a former public servant under Yusuf, I recall how his frequent medical trips abroad created administrative chaos. Each month-long absence eroded his authority, emboldening rivals and paralyzing decision-making. Mohamud and Deni risk repeating this pattern.


Erosion of Public Trust

Citizens increasingly perceive their leaders as disengaged. In Puntland, Deni’s focus on international networking over local governance alienated constituencies who expected progress on 1P1V elections. Similarly, Mohamud’s globe-trotting contrasts starkly with the FGS’s inability to deliver basic services or protect civilians.

The resignation of technocrats (like myself) from committees and agencies reflects broader disillusionment. When leaders are physically absent, morale plummets, and corruption flourishes.


Conclusion: Leadership Requires Presence

Somalia’s complex crises demand leaders who prioritize hands-on governance over international engagements. While diplomacy is necessary, presidents can not afford to outsource administration to deputies. The experiences of Yusuf, Mohamud, and Deni illustrate a recurring truth: prolonged absences weaken institutions, empower spoilers, and deepen instability.

For Somalia to stabilize, its leaders must balance global advocacy with domestic accountability. If presidents continue to govern from afar, the voids they leave will be filled by those who exploit chaos—not those who build peace.


The author is a former member of Puntland’s Technical Committee for Federal Negotiations (TCFN) and a political analyst focused on governance and security in Somalia.
Published in WDM.

SOMALIA CHOICE: CONFEDERATION OR FRAGMENTATION

WDM EDITORIAL

The political landscape in Somalia is undeniably complex, especially given the historical context of state failure and the challenges posed by both internal and external actors. This analysis brings to light several critical points regarding the future of Somalia’s governance, particularly the dichotomy between confederation and fragmentation.

1. Centralized vs. Decentralized Governance: The failures of Somalia’s centralized government in the past—culminating in civil war, state collapse, and the rise of extremist groups—highlight the unsuitability of replicating the same model. Confederation could provide a framework for regional autonomy and self-governance, which might mitigate ethnic tensions and foster local governance accountability. This decentralized approach could empower local leaders and communities, thereby reducing the likelihood of violent conflict and promoting stability.

2. International Dynamics: As all pointed out, the support from the international community, especially for a centralized regime based in Mogadishu, appears tenuous at best. As geopolitical interests shift—especially among regional players like Turkey, the UAE, Ethiopia, and Egypt—Somalia’s leaders must be wary of the implications these external influences can have on national sovereignty The support from these nations may not be sustainable in the long term, and reliance on foreign backing can jeopardize the independence that Somalis strive to maintain.

3. Security Concerns: The potential for a power vacuum following the collapse of a centralized regime is troubling, as it could open the door for extremist groups to exploit the situation, reminiscent of the rise of the Union of Islamic Courts. Therefore, a robust strategy that involves both local and international stakeholders is crucial to prevent such a scenario and build a resilient state structure that can withstand external pressures and internal challenges.

4. Regional Cooperation: Encouraging a spirit of cooperation rather than rivalry among regional states could create an environment conducive to peace and development. Fostering dialogue and collaboration among Somalia’s neighbouring countries and addressing mutual concerns can significantly contribute to regional stability.

5. Sovereignty and Independence: Ultimately, the priority for Somali politicians should be to cultivate national unity and cohesion, focusing on long-term strategies that reinforce sovereignty and independence. This entails engaging with all community leaders, civil society, and marginalized groups to craft a governance model that addresses the diverse interests within the country.

In conclusion, Somalia stands at a critical juncture where its political leaders must navigate the complexities of governance with foresight and pragmatism. Embracing decentralization, prioritizing national interests, and actively engaging in regional dialogue will be pivotal in achieving a stable and sovereign Somalia. Only through such efforts can the country hope to avoid the pitfalls of the past and build a peaceful future for its citizens.

WDM EDITORIAL: Puntland’s Path to Security and Stability

President Said Abdullahi Deni’s recent admission of his administration’s failure to prevent ISIS from entrenching itself in the Calmiskaad mountains marks a rare moment of accountability in Somali politics. While critics may seize on this confession as a weapon, Warsame Digital Media commends President Deni’s candour. Transparency, however, must now translate into action. Puntland’s security crisis—compounded by ISIS’s expansion and Al-Shabab’s persistent threat—demands not just acknowledgement of past failures but an unwavering commitment to dismantling extremism through decisive leadership, and systemic reform.


A Rare Admission of Accountability

In a political landscape where leaders often deflect blame, President Deni’s acknowledgment of negligence is a watershed moment. His willingness to confront uncomfortable truths should be viewed as a strength, not a weakness. Opposition groups must resist the temptation to weaponize this admission for short-term gain. Instead, Puntland’s political class should unite to address the existential threat posed by ISIS, whose foothold in the Bari Region underscores the fragility of the state’s security apparatus. Accountability, after all, is the cornerstone of public trust. Deni’s candor offers an opportunity to rebuild that trust—but only if matched by tangible results.


The ISIS Threat in Context

The rise of ISIS in Puntland cannot be divorced from the broader instability plaguing Somalia. While Al-Shabab remains the dominant extremist force nationally, ISIS’s encroachment into Puntland reveals vulnerabilities unique to the region. The Calmiskaad mountains, with their rugged terrain and limited state presence, have long been a haven for illicit activities. However, the administration’s focus on quelling political violence in Bosaso and Garowe, coupled with the resource drain of Somalia’s contentious federal elections, left critical security gaps unaddressed. This underscores a recurring challenge: the tension between Puntland’s autonomy and its interdependence with Somalia’s fractured federal system.


Beyond Bullets: A Strategy for Sustainable Security

Military operations alone will not eradicate extremism. ISIS and Al-Shabab thrive on governance vacuums, economic despair, and communal grievances. To dismantle their networks, Puntland must pursue a dual strategy:

  1. Targeted Military Campaigns: Collaborate with federal and international partners to disrupt ISIS strongholds, leveraging intelligence-sharing and specialized forces.
  2. Root-Cause Solutions: Invest in community-driven development, job creation for disillusioned youth, and equitable resource distribution. Marginalized communities in areas like Bari are fertile ground for recruitment; empowering them undermines extremist narratives.
  3. Institutional Reform: Strengthen local governance, judiciary systems, and security forces to restore public confidence. Corruption and inefficiency within state structures have historically fueled resentment.

The Federal-Regional Tug-of-War

Puntland’s security challenges are exacerbated by Somalia’s fractured federalism. The federal government’s preoccupation with Mogadishu-centric politics—exemplified by the drawn-out presidential elections—has diverted attention and resources from regional crises. For Puntland to succeed, Mogadishu must prioritize equitable resource allocation and genuine collaboration, rather than treating federal member states as peripheral concerns. Conversely, Deni’s administration must avoid insularity; security in the Bari Region is not just Puntland’s problem but a national emergency.


Conclusion: From Words to Action

President Deni’s admission is a starting point, not an endpoint. The true test lies in his administration’s ability to translate accountability into outcomes. Puntland’s people deserve a future free from the shadow of extremism—one built on justice, opportunity, and resilient institutions. This will require bold leadership, bipartisan cooperation, and a rejection of the short-termism that has plagued Somali politics for decades.

The time for excuses is over. The time for action is now.

Warsame Digital Media urges all stakeholders—from Garowe to Mogadishu—to prioritize the collective security of Somalia over partisan interests. Only then can the Calmiskaad mountains and the nation itself be reclaimed from the grip of terror.

IS TURKEY AN EXISTENTIAL NATIONAL THREAT TO SOMALIA?

The perception of Turkey as an existential threat to Somalia’s survival as a united sovereign state stems from complex regional rivalries and internal divisions exacerbated by foreign interference. Let us dive into these geopolitical issues:

1. Turkey’s Expanding Influence

  • Military Presence: Turkey operates its largest overseas military base in Mogadishu, trains Somali troops, and provides security support. While this strengthens the federal government, it risks creating dependency and centralizing power, alienating regional states.
  • Economic and Political Engagement: Turkey invests in infrastructure, education, and healthcare, fostering goodwill. However, critics argue such ties could lead to debt dependency or unequal agreements, potentially undermining sovereignty.

2. Regional Rivalries and Proxy Dynamics

  • Turkey-Qatar vs. UAE-Ethiopia:
    • Turkey and Qatar back the Somali federal government, aligning with President Mohamud’s administration.
    • UAE and Ethiopia support regional actors (e.g., Somaliland, Puntland) and oppose centralization, fueling federal-state tensions. UAE’s port deals in Somaliland (Berbera) and Ethiopia’s historical interventions exacerbate fragmentation risks.
  • Egypt’s Role: Egypt counters Ethiopian influence (e.g., Nile River disputes) by supporting Somalia, adding another layer to the regional power struggle.

3. Internal Divisions

  • Federal vs. Regional Tensions: Foreign backing deepens mistrust between Mogadishu and regional states. For example, Somaliland’s UAE ties and Puntland’s resistance to central authority challenge unity.
  • Proxy Conflicts: Competing foreign agendas risk turning Somalia into a battleground, destabilizing governance and empowering factions that prioritize external interests over national cohesion.

4. Existential Risks

  • Sovereignty Erosion: Overreliance on external actors weakens domestic institutions. For instance, Turkey’s military role may overshadow Somali-led security solutions.
  • Fragmentation: External support for secessionist movements (e.g., Somaliland) or autonomous regions threatens territorial integrity. The UAE-Ethiopia axis vs. Turkey-Qatar-Egypt rivalry could Balkanize Somalia.

Counterarguments and Nuances

  • Stability vs. Dependency: Turkish aid has provided critical infrastructure and counterterrorism support, which some Somalis welcome. The threat lies not in Turkey alone but in uncoordinated multipolar interference.
  • Somalia’s Agency: Somali leaders navigate these rivalries to secure resources, but internal corruption and governance failures also contribute to vulnerability.

Conclusion

Turkey’s role is part of a broader pattern where regional powers exploit Somalia’s fragility for strategic gains. The existential threat arises from the cumulative effect of competing foreign interests fragmenting national unity, undermining state-building, and perpetuating dependency. Somalia’s survival as a united state depends on balancing external engagements with inclusive governance and reducing elite reliance on foreign patrons.

Somalia 2024: Fractured States, Foreign Patrons, and the Looming Storm of Conflict

Somalia 2024: Fractured States, Foreign Patrons, and the Looming Storm of Conflict

Puntland’s Bold Gambit: Autonomy, ISIS, and the SSC-Khatumo Flashpoint
In a seismic shift, Puntland severed ties with Mogadishu in January 2023, declaring itself an “independent government” in protest against constitutional amendments centralizing power. President Said Abdullahi Deni, buoyed by UAE patronage and Ethiopian security cooperation, now positions Puntland as a kingmaker in Somali politics. His ambitions clash directly with SSC-Khatumo, a union of the Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn regions demanding self-rule. SSC-Khatumo’s quest for autonomy has turned the Sool region into a battleground, with Puntland and Somaliland forces clashing as recently as February 2024. Deni’s critics accuse him of prioritizing UAE-backed port projects (e.g., Bosaso) over resolving local grievances, risking a prolonged conflict that could draw in clans and foreign actors.

New Frontlines: Puntland’s War on ISIS and Territorial Control
Puntland is mobilizing for a major offensive against ISIS-Somalia factions entrenched in the Cal-Madow and Galgala mountains—a strategic corridor near contested Somaliland territories. ISIS, though smaller than Al-Shabaab, has exploited governance vacuums since 2015, using smuggling routes to fund attacks. Deni’s campaign, backed by UAE logistics and Ethiopian intelligence, aims to neutralize ISIS while asserting territorial claims. Success could bolster Puntland’s sovereignty narrative but risks inflaming tensions with Somaliland, which views Galgala as part of its Sanaag region. Meanwhile, SSC-Khatumo leaders warn that the offensive may displace clans and deepen marginalization, further destabilizing the north.

Somaliland’s Geopolitical Play: Ethiopia’s Port Deal and Internal Repression
Somaliland’s January 2024 MoU with Ethiopia—granting naval access in exchange for potential recognition—marked a geopolitical coup for President Muse Bihi. The deal, tacitly backed by the UAE (a key investor in Berbera port), has angered Mogadishu and Puntland. However, Bihi’s authoritarian crackdown on dissent in Sool and Aynabo, where SSC-Khatumo support runs deep, threatens to ignite broader unrest. Somaliland’s reliance on UAE funds and Ethiopian security ties risks alienating clans caught between Hargeisa’s repression and Puntland’s intervention.

Jubaland: The Tinderbox of Gedo
Jubaland President Ahmed Madoobe’s feud with Mogadishu over control of the Gedo region has reached a boiling point. The Federal Government insists on deploying Somali National Army (SNA) units to secure the area for elections and counter Al-Shabaab, but Madoobe, backed by Ethiopian troops and UAE-funded militias, frames this as federal overreach. A February 2024 standoff near Beled Hawo underscores the volatility. Analysts warn that open conflict in Gedo could cripple counterterrorism efforts, allowing Al-Shabaab to exploit clan divisions and smuggling routes.

Central Somalia Under Siege: Al-Shabaab’s Resurgence
While northern conflicts dominate headlines, central Somalia faces escalating threats:

  • Hirshabelle: Al-Shabaab’s late 2023 offensive in Hiraan region exposed federal weaknesses, with militants seizing villages and taxing supply routes to Ethiopia. Clan militias, nominally allied with the SNA, lack coordination, enabling the group to exploit Hawadle-Jajele sub-clan disputes.
  • Galmudug: Galmudugh is unraveling as Al-Shabaab exploits local grievances between fractious Ahlu Sunna Waljama’a militia and regional authorities. Galmudugh and Hirshabelle regional states exist merely on the federal government’s lifeline.

Foreign Patrons: UAE and Ethiopia’s Divide-and-Conquer Tactics

  • UAE: Abu Dhabi’s “ports-and-proxy” strategy invests in Berbera (Somaliland) and Bosaso (Puntland) to counter Turkish/Qatari influence. By backing Deni, Bihi, and Madoobe, the UAE ensures control over trade chokepoints.
  • Ethiopia: Landlocked Addis Ababa prioritizes port access (Berbera, Kismayo) and security, backing Somaliland and Jubaland despite undermining Mogadishu.

Mogadishu’s Impossible Calculus
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s government faces intersecting crises:

  • Election Chaos: Disputes over the 2024 suffrage model threaten a repeat of the 2020 clan-vetted indirect elections.
  • Foreign Meddling: UAE-Ethiopia alliances weaken federal authority, while Turkey and Egypt vie for influence via military aid.
  • Al-Shabaab’s Resilience: Despite U.S. support, federal forces struggle to project power beyond cities, leaving rural zones to militants and underpaid militias.

The Storm Ahead: Fragmentation or Confederation?
Somalia’s instability is no longer local. As regional leaders prioritize foreign patrons over unity, the nation risks morphing into a confederation of client states. The SSC-Khatumo revolt, Puntland-Somaliland clashes, and Jubaland’s defiance could spark a perfect storm of interstate warfare, electoral crises, and insurgent resurgence. For ordinary Somalis, already weary of decades of strife, 2024 may bring neither peace nor progress—only deeper entanglement in global power struggles.

Why This Matters: The Horn of Africa’s stability hinges on Somalia. With the Red Sea a theater of U.S.-China rivalries and Middle Eastern power plays, the world can ill afford another collapse. Whether Somali elites reconcile or remain pawns will determine the fate of millions—and the security of one of the world’s most strategic waterways.

Crafting Regional States in Somalia: A Blueprint for Federalism Amidst Complexity

Introduction
Somalia’s journey toward federalism has been fraught with challenges, yet it remains a critical framework for reconciling the nation’s diverse clan dynamics and historical grievances. Since the collapse of the central government in 1991, regions like Puntland (1998) and Somaliland (1991) have pioneered autonomous governance, while the 2012 provisional constitution formalized federalism. This article explores the process of establishing regional states, analyzes past successes and failures, and contextualizes the role of local and international actors in Somalia’s evolving political landscape.


Steps to Establishing a Regional State

  1. Constitutional Adherence and Common Interests
    The Somali Provisional Constitution (2012) mandates that federal member states comprise at least two regions sharing political, economic, and security interests (Article 49). Successful examples, such as Jubaland (2013), emerged from regions with cohesive identities and resource-sharing agreements. Conversely, disputes in Galmudug over clan representation highlight the necessity of pre-existing cohesion.
  2. Grassroots Mobilization
    Traditional elders and civil society play pivotal roles. The 1998 Puntland Charter was ratified through clan-led shir (consultative assemblies), ensuring legitimacy. Mobilization must prioritize inclusivity, avoiding marginalization of minority clans, as seen in the 2015 Hiraan resistance against state formation.
  3. Structured Consultative Process
    • Constitutional Drafting: Committees should reflect regional demographics. Southwest State (2014) involved legal experts and elders, ensuring cultural resonance.
    • Logistics and Security: Neutral venues (e.g., Baidoa for Southwest State) and robust security protocols prevent sabotage.
    • Delegate Allocation: Quota systems based on clan size, as used in Puntland, mitigate power imbalances.
  4. Constitutional Ratification and Elections
    A transparent congress, such as Somaliland’s 1996 Borama Conference, fosters trust. Post-ratification, independent electoral bodies—like UN-supported polls in Jubaland (2021)—enhance credibility. Direct elections (e.g., Puntland’s 2019 local polls) are ideal but require security often absent in Somalia.

Pitfalls to Avoid

  1. Premature Power-Sharing Negotiations
    The 2016 Galmudug collapse stemmed from elite disputes over positions before institutional frameworks were established. Prioritizing structure over personalities, as in Somaliland’s founding, is crucial.
  2. Clan-Based Exclusion
    The 2013 attempt to form a central Somalia state failed when the Dir clan was sidelined, sparking conflict. The Hirshabelle State (2016) succeeded by integrating Hiraan and Middle Shabelle clans through protracted dialogue.
  3. External Interference
    Federal government opposition delayed Southwest State’s formation until 2014. Conversely, Jubaland’s creation faced criticism over Kenyan influence, underscoring the need for balanced international engagement.

Case Studies

  • Puntland: Emerged from a clan consensus in 1998, blending traditional xeer (customary law) with modern institutions. Challenges persist in holding one person one vote elections.
  • Somaliland: Though unrecognized, its hybrid governance model (clan Guurti and elected parliament) offers lessons in stability.
  • Jubaland: Ethiopian and Kenyan involvement in its 2013 formation sparked tensions with Mogadishu, highlighting federal-regional diplomacy’s complexity.

International Community’s Role
While the UN and AU advocate federalism as a conflict mitigation tool, divergent foreign agendas complicate state-building. The EU’s support for dialogue in Hirshabelle contrasts with UAE-Turkey rivalries influencing the Somalia peace process. Local ownership remains paramount to avoid dependency.


Conclusion
Creating regional states in Somalia demands a delicate balance of constitutional fidelity, grassroots legitimacy, and inclusive processes. While federalism offers a path to unity, its success hinges on learning from past missteps and navigating clan-political dynamics. As Somalia approaches pivotal elections in the foreseeable future, the international community must prioritize Somali-led solutions over external blueprints. The road to federalism is neither linear nor easy, but with structured adherence to participatory principles, it remains Somalia’s most viable hope for lasting peace.


References

  • Somali Provisional Constitution (2012).
  • UN Somalia Reports (2021–2023).
  • Interviews with Somali political analysts (Names withheld for security).

Warsame Digital Media | Updated: October 2023 | Categories: Federalism, Governance, Horn of Africa

This revised article provides deeper context, contemporary examples, and critical analysis, positioning it as a comprehensive resource on Somali federalism.

The Unyielding Spirit of the Somali People: Resilience, Enterprise, and Sovereignty in the Face of Adversity

For over three decades, Somalia has been characterized in global discourse as a “failed state,” defined by political fragmentation, protracted conflict, and institutional collapse. Yet, beneath this reductive label lies a society of extraordinary resilience and ingenuity. The Somali people have not only survived decades of turmoil but have forged pathways of entrepreneurship, resisted extremism, and safeguarded their sovereignty through a blend of cultural fortitude, diasporic solidarity, and grassroots agency. This essay explores the unique characteristics that define the Somali people’s unwavering spirit, even as their fledgling federal government struggles to assert effective leadership.

Historical Context: Crisis and Continuity

Somalia’s descent into chaos began with the collapse of the Siad Barre regime in 1991, plunging the nation into civil war. Subsequent decades saw clan rivalries, foreign interventions, and the rise of extremist groups like Al-Shabaab ISIS. Natural disasters, including recurrent droughts and famines, compounded these challenges. Yet, amid this turbulence, Somali society did not disintegrate. Instead, it adapted, relying on deeply rooted social structures and cultural cohesion to navigate instability.

Resilience Rooted in Social Fabric

At the heart of Somalia’s endurance is its clan-based social system. While often criticized for fueling division, clans have also functioned as networks of survival, providing security, justice, and resource distribution in the absence of a central state. Communities have drawn on traditional mechanisms like xeer (customary law) to mediate disputes and maintain order. This decentralized resilience reflects a pragmatic approach to governance, where trust in kinship and local leadership often outweighs reliance on fragile institutions. Only federal governance is optimal for such a culture of traditional leadership.

Entrepreneurship in the Informal Economy

Somalia’s informal economy stands as a testament to its people’s ingenuity. Barred from formal banking, Somalis pioneered mobile money systems like Zaad, Sahal, EVCPLUS, revolutionizing financial access. The telecom sector, led by companies such as Hormuud, Golis, Telsom, emerged as one of Africa’s most competitive, connecting millions and fostering commerce. In bustling markets like Mogadishu’s Bakara, traders navigate risks ranging from extortion to bombings yet persist in sustaining cross-border trade and local livelihoods. This entrepreneurial spirit thrives not despite chaos but as a response to it—a defiance of despair through innovation.

Resistance to Extremism and Terrorism

Communities have consistently rejected extremist groups’ attempts to impose rigid ideologies. While Al-Shabaab controls pockets of territory, its influence is frequently checked by grassroots resistance. Local militias, often clan-aligned, collaborate with public institutions’ forces to reclaim territories and civil society groups counter radical narratives through education and art. Women, in particular, have played pivotal roles in advocating for peace, leveraging their societal influence to marginalize extremists. This resistance underscores a collective refusal to let violence define Somali identity.

The Diaspora: Lifelines and Bridges

The global Somali diaspora, estimated at over two million, has been instrumental in the nation’s survival. Remittances—exceeding $1.5 billion annually—form an economic lifeline, funding households, startups, and even infrastructure. Diasporans also bridge global expertise with local needs, investing in tech hubs, healthcare, and education. Their dual role as economic sustainers and cultural ambassadors reinforces Somalia’s global connections while nurturing its recovery.

Sovereignty and Defiance Against Intervention

Somalis fiercely guard their autonomy, resisting foreign domination even as external actors vie for influence. Public skepticism toward international peacekeeping missions and foreign-backed governments reflects a desire for self-determination. This defiance is not mere nationalism but a hard-earned wariness of external agendas. The phrase “Soomaali ma kala tagin” (Somalis never abandon each other) encapsulates this ethos of unity against external threats.

Conclusion: The Power of People Over State

Somalia’s story is one of a society persisting beyond the failures of its political class. While the federal government remains weak, the Somali people have demonstrated that resilience is not contingent on formal institutions. Their adaptability, entrepreneurial zeal, and commitment to cultural identity offer lessons in survival and hope. As Somalia rebuilds, the world must look beyond the “failed state” narrative to recognize the agency of a people whose unshakeable spirit continues to chart a path toward renewal.

In the words of Somali poet Gaarriye, “The nation is not land; the nation is people.” It is this indomitable people—rooted in community, innovation, and pride—who hold the key to Somalia’s future.

BREAKING: Corruption Allegations Engulf Somali Foreign Minister Over Mismanagement of Chinese-Funded Expatriate Centre

By Warsame Digital Media | March 6, 2025

Mogadishu, Somalia — A growing corruption scandal has implicated Somalia’s Foreign Minister Ahmed Moalim Faqi and the Somali ambassador to China, following revelations of financial discrepancies in a Chinese-funded project to construct an Expatriate Affairs Management Center in Mogadishu.

The controversy erupted after Minister Faqi publicly celebrated the laying of the centre’s foundation stone on February 28, hailing the initiative as a “milestone for diaspora engagement.”  According to a high-ranking former diplomat with direct knowledge of the negotiations, who spoke anonymously due to fears of reprisal, China donated one million USD for the center’s construction. Shockingly, the Foreign Ministry reportedly contracted a local firm to execute the project for just a fraction of the donated money of only $200,000, with sources claiming the remaining $800,000 was embezzled by Faqi and Somalia’s ambassador to Beijing.

Key Questions and Silence from Authorities

The Somali government has yet to address the allegations, despite mounting pressure from civil society and opposition lawmakers. Transparency advocates are demanding an independent audit, citing Somalia’s notorious history of graft. The country remains entrenched near the bottom of Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), ranking 180th out of 183 nations in the 2024 report. Weak oversight mechanisms and systemic mismanagement of public resources have long hindered development and eroded trust in state institutions.

“This case epitomizes why Somalia struggles to attract transparent foreign investment,” says an official of the Somali Anti-Corruption Forum. “Donors cannot trust funds will reach their intended purpose without third-party accountability.”

Geopolitical Implications

China’s involvement adds complexity to the scandal. Beijing has significantly expanded its infrastructure investments in Somalia in recent years, including ports and energy projects tied to its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). While the Chinese Embassy in Mogadishu has not commented, analysts warn the allegations could strain bilateral relations if evidence of misuse emerges.

“China prioritizes stability in its partnerships, but corruption scandals risk deterring future collaborations,” noted regional economists. “Somalia’s government must act swiftly to investigate—or risk losing critical foreign aid.”

Calls for Accountability

Opposition leaders and grassroots activists are urging President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to suspend Minister Faqi and Ambassador to China, pending a formal inquiry. “This isn’t just about stolen money; it’s about the moral decay undermining Somalia’s recovery,” said one lawmaker.

The scandal also reignites debates over Somalia’s reliance on foreign aid, which constitutes over 70% of its national budget. Critics argue that without robust anti-corruption frameworks, donor funds will continue to vanish into private pockets.

What’s Next?

As public outrage grows, international partners, including the UN and African Union, face pressure to condition future aid on stricter transparency measures. For now, all eyes are on Somalia’s judiciary and the Office of the Auditor General to pursue accountability—a test of whether the nation can transition from rhetoric to action in its fight against graft.

Updates to follow as this story develops.


Warsame Digital Media is committed to ethical reporting. All allegations have been rigorously cross-checked with multiple sources. We withhold certain details to protect whistleblowers’ identities.